Tsutsui W.M. A Companion to japanese histоry

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THE FIFTEEN-YEAR WAR 259

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260 W. MILES FLETCHER III

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Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

FURTHER READING

Ian Nish’s recent book, Japanese Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period (Westport,

Conn.: Praeger, 2002), provides a concise history of Japanese diplomacy between the

two world wars. Akira Iriye’s edited volume, Pearl Harbor and the Coming of the

Pacific War: A Brief History with Documents and Essays (Boston: Bedford, 1999),

provides insights into the frantic attempts at negotiations between Japanese and

American officials in 1940–1.

Written almost two decades ago, Ronald Spector’s Eagle against the Sun: The

American War against Japan (New York: Vintage Books, 1985) gives a comprehen-

sive account of the Pacific War from 1941 to 1945. Gerhard Weinberg’s monumental

AWorld at Arms: A Global Histo ry of World War II (New York: Cambridge University

THE FIFTEEN-YEAR WAR 261

Press, 1994; rev. edn., 2005) examines World War II in both the European and Pacific

theaters. A recent and concise overview is Mark Roehrs and William Renzi, World

War II in the Pacific (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2004). H. P. Willmott analyzes,

sometimes caustically, the strategy on each side during 1942 and 1943 in The War

with Japan: The Period of Balance, May 1942–October 1943 (Wilmington, Del.:

Scholarly Resources Press, 2002). Thomas W. Zeiler, Unconditional Defeat: Japan,

America, and the End of World War II (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources Press,

2002), covers the period from 1944 to 1945. E. B. Sledge’s memoir, With the Old

Breed at Peleliu and Okinawa (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 1996), gives a

gripping ground-level description of those ferocious battles. Emphasizing the impact

of military developments on ordinary soldiers and civilians on all sides, Christopher

Bayly and Tim Harper chronicle the Japanese conquest of British colonies in South-

east Asia and the eventual Japanese defeat in Forgotten Armies: The Fall of British

Asia, 1941–1945 (Camb ridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004).

262 W. MILES FLETCHER III

PART IV

Japan since 1945

A Companion to Japanese History

Edited by William M. Tsutsui

Map 4 Modern Japan

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

The Occupation

Mark Metzler

As history happens, long periods of relative institutional stability are punctuated by

brief episodes of revolutionary change, when the events of a few years have structur-

ing effects across wide domains of social practice for many years afterwards. As such a

revolutionary, or near-revolutionary moment in modern Japanese history, the occu-

pation is second only to the Meiji Restoration. Like the national reconstruction of the

early Meiji period, the occupat ion was also an induced, top-down revolution, al-

though the ‘‘bo ttom-up’’ popular movements of the era are a key to understanding

it. Unlike the Meiji Refor mation, this one was imposed by a Western occupying army.

In the words of colonial policy expert Yanaihara Tadao, Japan was ‘‘placed on the

laboratory table’’ by the American occupiers,

and the experience reveals much about

the inner physiology of the Japanese body politic.

Storylines

Like the war, and unlike the seemingly endless social-scientific present of the ‘‘post-

war’’ era that followed, the occupation was the stuff of instant history. Participants

knew that they were making history, and they wrote about it, abundantly, making the

occupation second only to the war itself in the volume of English-language writing

devoted to it. Bibliographies and critical reviews of the English-language work on the

subject run to over 1,000 pages.

To summarize it would take a large book, and the

present essay highlights only a few themes prominent in more recent writing and a

few aspects of the per iod that remain less well understood.

Most historical narratives of the occupation are built around a set of more or less

standardized storylines. These turn out to be inseparable from an understanding of the

chronology of the occupation, usually seen as a two-step movement of revolution

followed by conservative stabilization, or ‘‘reverse course.’’ The occupation of the

Japanese mainland began with the arrival of General Douglas MacArthur and the

signing of the surrender agreement on September 2, 1945; Japan’s remaking got

under way in earnest in October, when MacArthur’s General Headquarters, Supreme

Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ/SCAP) was set up to conduct the non-

military aspects of the occupation.

Japan regained its sovereignty eighty months later,

A Companion to Japanese History

Edited by William M. Tsutsui

on April 28, 1952. The timing and character of the two-step movement varied across

the dozens of policy domains with which the occupation concerned itself. From the

standpoint of the Japanese left, the turn from liberation to course reversal began when

MacArthur banned the planned general strike of February 1, 1947, although liberal

reforms in some policy domains were only then getting under way. From the stand-

point of economic policy, the course reversal came fully into effect when Detroit

banker Joseph M. Dodge took charge of balancing the Japanese budget in February

1949, by which point most of the reforms were being wound up if not reversed.

The first generation of English-language work, mostly written by former SCAP

officials, tended to concentrate on the excitement of the first phase of the occupation.

These writers presented a broadly consensual story of successful liberal reform,

whereby an aggressive, ultranationalistic, and militaristic polity was converted into a

peace-loving, progressive, and pro-American one. And to lose sight of the successes,

as some more specialized later work comes close to doing, is to miss the main story.

But this is not the only story, nor is it where the story ends. With the recognition of

Japan’s ‘‘economic miracle’’ after the late 1950s, the sense of success was magnified

for many Americans, who now understood ‘‘their’’ reform of Japan as confirmation

of the validity of American-style liberal capitalism as a developmental model in the

non-Western world.

It was in reaction to the failure of US government policies in this ‘‘third’’

world that the impulse for a new historiography came, undertaken by a new generation

of scholars for whom the occupation was no longer personal history and for whom the

sources of the American war in Vietnam demanded a re-examination of the lessons of

the occupation of Japan. These scholars, most prominently John Dower, Howard

Schonberger, and Michael Schaller, investigated the cold war context of American

policy and began to understand the occupation as an episode in a larger process of

American imperialism (even if they did not necessarily use the word).

As leftist Japanese

scholars had done since the midpoint of the occupation itself, they emphasized the

significance of the anti-communist reverse course, seen as a betrayal of the democratic

promise of the early occupation. The first generation of research, including the occu-

pation’s own official histories,

had been written without access to the relevant US

government archives, and the opening of those archives in the 1970s contributed to the

work of revision. This new, critical history was denounced in turn as ‘‘revisionism’’ by

members of the older generation.

Except for Dower’s study of the postwar prime

minister Yoshida Shigeru, most of this newer work was in the vein of US diplomatic

history and, in common with the first generation of work based on American sources, it

did not examine the specifically Japanese dynamics of the period. More recently, again

with Dower among the leaders of the movement, the occupation has been renaturalized

into the stream of Japanese history, and a third generation of scholars, mostly trained as

Japan specialists, have turned their interest to the social and cultural interactions

between victor and vanquished. The voices of women and bicultural Japanese and

American perspectives are prominent in this new work, which is discussed further

below. The historiography of the occupation is also at the moment, and likely for

some time to come, dominated as are few other fields of Japanese history by a single

book, John Dower’s Embracing Defeat (1999). Much of the following discussion of

new tendencies in occupation-era research relates to themes that are reflected and

amplified there.

266 MARK METZLER

From the Japanese side, the history of occupation was always more personal, all-

encompassing, and ambiguous, but some standardized, politically divided storylines

were also distilled from the experience. A generally shared national story was of defeat

and the long road back. The ‘‘burned fields’’ of Japan’s cities – an arresting, iconic

image represented again and again in Japanese popular culture – thus became the

common postwar starting point. For a broad array of Japanese progressives, the

occupation itself began as a liberation – approaching real revolution in the more

millenarian visions – that was sacrificed to Ame rican cold war interests. In more

conservative accounts, arrogant American social engineering and ‘‘victor’s justice’’

were succeeded by more sensible policies, once Americans awoke to the communist

danger that Japan, allegedly, had been fighting all along. Still, the task of restoring

Japan to full sovereignty and ‘‘no rmal’’ nationhood remains incomplete without

revision of the American-imposed constitution. The first phase of the occupation

became a vital source of postwar progressive politics, as the reverse course was carried

forward as a powerful stream of conservative politics.

Thus, the occupation must be understood in the streams of Japan’s history,

America’s history, and in the history of their interaction. When we approach the

reconstruction of Japan as an event in world history, still other dynamics come to the

foreground.

A Pivot in World Historical Time

The global context of America’s occupation of Japan was the radical remaking of the

international system as a whole, with the establishment in one sphere of American

political-economic hegemony, in another of Soviet socialist hegemony, and the

crystallization of the bipolar cold war arrangement. As after World War I, the great

postwar movement of peoples and the redrawing of national boundaries was accom-

panied by a wave of communist-led revolution and anti-communist reaction. Inter-

twined with, and in many ways more significant than the ‘‘first worl d/second world’’

story was the dynamic of anti-colonial national liberation – the beginning of the

hurried end of Western European global hegemony. This latter movement had its

storm center in Asia. The world was also recons tructed ideologically, as the results of

the war discredited not only fascism but also colonialism, while validating liberal

democracy and socialism. (It is often forgotten that liberal, laissez-faire capitalism was

not validated by the Allied victory – it was discredited by the Great Depression, whi ch

was understood as a cause of the war. War economies had resulted in a great economic

extension of the state everywhere, and it was widely assumed that this transformation

would be carried forward into a new, ‘‘modified capitalism,’’ if not outright social-

ism.) These changes in the international order were also powerfully reformative

dynamics at the domestic level.

At the level of individual national transformations, Japan’s remaking was one of

many radical reconstructions affecting most of the countries occupied, liberated, or

reoccupied as a result of the war – a group of nations that extended from Japan and

Korea to China, Southeast Asia, and Eastern, Central, and Western Europe. Beyond

the war zones, the list of libe rated or reconstructed countries also includ ed a cohort

of newly independent countries including India, Pakistan, Syria, Jordan, and Israel. In

THE OCCUPATION 267

short, most of Europe and Asia was politically transformed in the late 1940s, yielding

a picture of epoch-making efforts at national construction and reconstruction affect-

ing more than half of the world’s people. T he least radically transformed of these

countries were the formerly German-occupied countries of Western Europe (that is,

countries of the Western European core), which reverted, more or less, to their

prewar state. ‘‘Restoration’’ was impossible in Asia, and the revolu tionary remaking

of China lay at the other extreme of national reconstructions. Profound as it was,

Japan’s national reconst ruction actually lay somewhere around the middle of this

range. Compared to postwar social transformations elsewhere, Japan’s postwar re-

form was also accomplished with little violence and with a complete absence of armed

resistance, despite Japanese contingency plans to hide a member of the imperial family

and fight a guerrilla war of resistance to the occupation.

The world war and the reconstructions that followed had socially leveling effects

almost everywhere, whether along capitalist or communist lines. This was tr ue in the

United St ates as well. Leveling effects were especially strong in Japan, and a sampling

of a few of many changes that tended in this direction must serve to suggest the whole

process. In the far m villages that were home to almost half of the nation, a ‘‘semi-

feudal’’ landlord system, already undermined by wartime food procurement policies,

was abolished by the thoroughgoing land reform implemented after October 1946.

Nearly as sign ificant we re the effects of the postwar food shortages and inflation,

which massively redistributed wealth from the formerly privileged urban sector to the

formerly exploited farm sector. By the end of the occupation, a new set of social

relations was institutionalized. Farmers, no longer divided as landlords and tenants,

came to constitute a great, landowning middle class, able to buy and employ new

production-enhancing and labor-easing technologies, able to join the new mass

market, and supportive of conservative party hegemony.

Factory workers, who had been virtual social outcastes in the first part of the

twentieth century, seized the chance to unionize provided by the Labor Union Law

of December 1945, and the labor movement quickly outran the goals of most SCAP

labor reformers. Unlike farmers, wage workers were the ones who paid for the

postwar inflation. At the same time, the inflation further spurred unionization and

labor militancy. The end result, after the shock of the Dodge Line price stabilization

and the mass layoffs that accompanied it in 1949–50, was to give factory workers too

a greater share in national wealth and to bring them into the lower ranks of the new

middle-class, mass market Japan. Organized workers also formed a core of support

for the leftist opposition that fought to preserve occupation reforms in the face of

conservative efforts at rollback during the 1950s, resulting in the institutionalization

of a new social settlement.

Legal equality for women, announced as a goal of the occupation in October 1945

and guaranteed in the November 1946 constitution, brought changes in access to

education and in laws governing marriage, divorce, property, and inheritance – the

legal basis for the new family system discussed further below. Family types were

homogenized across social classes, as legal, ideological, and economic forces worked

to dissolve the categories of the former class system. At the apex of the social pyramid,

the titled aristocracy, the amalgam of hereditary aristocrats and more or less merito-

cratically selected members of the governing elite who by official definition domin-

ated prewar Japanese society, was legall y abolished. At the base of the extended

268 MARK METZLER