Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

In the free-stress languages – all of East and South Slavic except for Macedonian –

the patterns are often not predictable. In both types the most common opposition

is between stem- and inflexion-stress, with three basic patterns of ‘‘fixed-stem’’,

‘‘fixed-inflexional (fixed-end)’’ and ‘‘mobile’’, the last having potentially a large

number of ‘‘patterns’’, but in practice restricted to ‘singular  plural’ in nouns and

‘1Sg  rest’ in the non-past tense of verbs. These patterns are discussed and

exemplified in 5.5.

4.2.5 Vowel quality alternations

Vowel quality alternations take several forms, some of which may occur

simultaneously:

a. alternations of quality per se (ablaut)

b. alternations of stress: unstressed vowels may have different quality,

particularly in Russian, Belarusian and Bulgarian (3.3.2.6, 3.5.1)

c. combined alternations of quality and length

There are relatively few combinations of sounds in alternations of this last type.

Their morphological environments are approximately the same as those in vowel 

zero alternations, though alternations of vowel quality combine with other types of

alternation in various forms of the verb, especially in aspect formation.

Palatalizations often occur with such alternations of vowel quality:

(15)

Vowel quality alternations

o  e Blg duxo

ven ‘spiritual’ dus

ven ‘emotional’

Ukr vozy

ty ‘to convey’ [Indet] ve

zty ‘to convey’

[Det]

Sorb zˇ ona ‘wife’ zˇ enic

‘to marry’

(of a man)

Pol anioł ‘angel’ aniele ‘angels’

Cz nosit ‘to carry’ [Indet] ne

st [Det]

a  e Blg b jal ‘white’ be

li [Pl]

Rus sadı

sja ‘to sit down’ [Imprfv] sest

[Prfv]

Pol biały ‘white’ bieli [MascAnim

NomPl]

kwiat ‘flower’ kwiecie [LocSg]

Sorb pijach ‘I drank’ [Imperf] pijes

e [2–3 Sg]

rjad ‘row’ rjedz

´e

[LocSg]

e  i Rus bre

ju ‘I shave’ brit

‘to shave’

Ukr letı

ty ‘to fly’ [Det] lita

ty ‘to fly’ [Indet]

4.2 Vowel alternations 199

o  u Rus so

xnut

‘to dry’ suxo

j ‘dry’[Adj]

Pol pokoju ‘room’ [LocSg] pok o

j ( [-uj] )

[NomSg]

groz

ba ‘threat’ gro

b [GenPl]

o  i/y Rus mo

ju ‘I wash’ myt

‘to wash’

Ukr konja

[GenSg] kin

‘horse’

o  a Ukr stoja

ty ‘to stand’ staty

‘to become’

Rus sprosı

‘to inquire’ [Prfv] spra

ivat

‘to inquire’

[Imprfv]

a  i/y Rus sadı

sja ‘to sit down’ side

‘to sit’

[Intrans]

Ukr sady

ty ‘to seat’ [Trans] sydı

ty ‘to sit’

[Intrans]

u  e Pol przyjacio

ł ‘friend’ przyjaciele [Pl]

a˛  e˛ Pol za

b ‘tooth’ ze˛ba [GenSg]

k ‘hand’ [GenPl] re˛ka [NomSg]

o  o

/oˆ Slk stola ‘table’ [GenSg] sto

l [NomAccSg]

noha ‘leg, foot’ [NomSg] no

zˇka [Dim]

Sorb loda/lodu ‘ice’ [GenSg] lo

d [NomAccSg]

vowel  nasal consonant

Rus nac

‘to begin’ nac

‘I shall begin’

B/C/S na



eti ‘to begin’ na`` c



em ‘I shall begin’

There are also many instances of complex alternations involving several vowels,

sometimes including both zero and quality alternations:

(16) Rus dux ‘spirit’ dy

it ‘he breathes’

vzdyxa

‘to breathe’ vzdox ‘sigh’

brat

‘to take’ beru

‘I take’

vybira

‘to choose’ vy

bor ‘choice’

4.2.6 Czech pr

ehla

ska (umlaut)

Czech pr

ehla

ska (umlaut) (1.7.3.3, 3.2.1.5, 3.4.3.1) is an automatic phono-

logical rule operating irrespective of the morphological environment. However,

it also affects morphophonology across the boundary between stems and end-

ings, and so has had an important effect on the formation of ‘‘soft’’ inflexional

types (5.5).

Vowels mutate after the Czech palatal consonants /d’ t’ n’ r

j/ and the formerly

palatal consonants /c

zˇ / (now post-alveolar) and /c/ (now dental). Using

200 4. Morphophonology

the standard examples zˇena ‘woman’, dus

e ‘soul’, me

ˇsto

‘town’ and mor

e ‘sea’, they

include:

(17) Czech pr

ehla

ska

y > e zˇeny dus

e [GenSg]

a > e zˇena dus

e [NomSg]

> ı

zˇena

m dus

m [DatPl]

o > e zˇeno dus

e [VocSg]

u > i zˇenu dus

i [AccSg]

ou > ı

zˇenou dus

[InstSg]

u˚ > ı

stu

m mor

m [DatPl]

Most of the changes involve raising (as we would expect from the Slavic tendency to

(syn-) harmony (1.3.1.3) after palatals) or fronting, and have the effect of markedly

reducing the variety of distinct inflexions, as can be seen from the listing of ‘‘soft’’

noun and adjective inflexion types in chapter 5.

4.3 Consonant alternations

The majority of consonant alternations involve palatalization, mainly a direct

result of the velar and /j/ palatalizations of Proto-Slavic (on which see 1.3.1.5 and

3.2.2.3), but also of the phonemicization of additive palatalization where this

occurred. These alternations are found in inflexion, usually before j/i/e, and in

some word-forming elements which cause mutation. The main question in palata-

lizing contexts is how far the palatalization will go: as far as additive palatalization



), which is found mainly in nouns and adjectives?; or as far as mutation (or

‘‘replacive palatalization’’)? The degree of palatalization is restricted by the pho-

nological rules of individual languages. Russian, for instance, shows the effects of

the First Palatalization of Velars (PV1), but not of PV2. At other times the deciding

factor is morphological, or a combination of morphological and phonological. For

example, in Slovak PV2 effects occur only in the nominative plural of masculine

nouns ending in -k or -ch (see (20) ).

4.3.1 Palatalization

4.3.1.1 Additive palatalization

(18) Additive palatalization (syllables are bolded where appropriate)

p  p

Pol ‘peasant’ chłop [NomSg] chłopi [Pl]

b  b

Pol ‘weak’ słaby [NomSgMasc] słabi [MascPersNomPl]

4.3 Consonant alternations 201

m  m

Pol ‘dumb’ niemy [NomSgMasc] niemi [MascPersNomPl]

w  w

Sorb ‘grave’ row [NomSg) rowje [LocSg]

f  f

Rus ‘telegraph’ telegra

f [NomSg] telegrafı

rovat

[Verb]

v  v

Rus ‘cart’ voz [NomSg] ve¨z ‘he conveyed’

t  t

/t’ Cz ‘hut, cabin’ chata [NomSg] chate

[Dat-LocSg]

d  d

/d’ Cz ‘bear’ medve

d [NomSg] medve

di [NomPl]

n  n

/n’ Slk ‘splinter’ trnka [Dim] tr

[NomSg]

s  s

Rus ‘I carry’ nesu

nese¨s

‘you [Sg] carry’

z  z

Bel ‘I gnaw’ hryzu

hryze

‘you [Sg] gnaw’

l  ł Sorb ‘happy’ wjesoł y [MascNomSg] wjeseli [PersNomPl]

l  l

/l’ Bel ‘table’ stala

[GenSg] stale

[LocSg]

r  r

Rus ‘beaver’ bobr [NomSg] bobre

[LocSg]

k  k

Blg ‘torment’ ma˘

ka [Sg] ma˘

ki [Pl]

g  g

Pol ‘horn’ rogu [GenSg] rogi [Pl]

x  x

Bel ‘fly’ mu

xa [NomSg] mu

xi [GenSg]

h  h

Ukr ‘dear’ dorohy

j [MascNomSg] dorohı

[NomPl]

4.3.1.2 Mutation of labials (/l/ epenthesis)

Labials in East Slavic, Slovenian and B/C/S generally insert /l/ before /j/ in the

1 Person singular non-past (East Slavic only), past participle passive and verbal

noun:

(19) p  pl

Rus ‘to buy’ kupı

[Prfv] kuplju

‘I will buy’ [Prfv]

cf. Pol ‘to buy’ kupic

[Prfv] kupie˛ ‘I will buy’ [Prfv]

b  bl

Rus ‘to love’ ljubı

[Imprfv] ljublju

‘I love’

f  fl

Bel ‘to rule’ hrafı

[Imprfv] hraflju

‘I rule’ (paper)

v  vl

Rus ‘I live’ zˇ i vu

[Imprfv] ozˇivle

nie ‘animation’

m  ml

Bel ‘to feed’ karmı

[Imprfv] karmlju

‘I feed’

4.3.1.3 Mutation of dentals and velars

(20)

t  c

Rus ‘notice’ zame

tit

[Prfv] zamec

[Imprfv]

t  c

Sorb ‘pond’ hat [Nom

AccSg]

hac

e [LocSg]

t  c Cz ‘to shine’ svı

tit svı

ce ‘candle’

t  k

Mac ‘flower’ cvet [Sg] cvek

e [Pl]

d  zˇ Rus ‘to go’ xodı

xoz

‘I go’

d  z Cz ‘to be born’ narodit se narozenı

‘birth’

202 4. Morphophonology

d  dzˇ Ukr ‘to go’ xody

ty xodz

‘I go’

d  dz´ Pol ‘neighbor’ sa˛siad [NomSg] sa˛siedzi [Pl]

d  zˇ d Blg ‘sight’ vid vı

dam ‘I see’

d  dz Slk ‘to go’ chodit’ chodza ‘journey’

d  g

Mac ‘the city’ grad ot grag

anec ‘citizen’

d  j Sln ‘to bear’ rodı

ti ro

jen ‘born’

(children)

[MascNomSg]

k  c Cz/

Sorb/Bel

‘hand,

‘arm’

ruka [NomSg] ruce [LocSg]

k  c

Blg ‘weep’

pla

kax [1SgAor] pla

a [1SgPres]

k  c  c

Slk ‘bird’ vta

k [Sg] vta

ci [Pl]

vta

[Adj]

g  z  zˇ Rus ‘friend’ drug [NomSg] druz

[Pl]

dru

eskij [Adj]

B/C/S ‘friend’ dru

g [NomSg] dru

e [Pl]

g  dz Pol ‘enemy’ wro

g [NomSg] wrodzy [NomPl]

g  dzˇ Slk ‘bulldog’ buldog [NomSg] buldodz

[Adj]

s  s

Pol ‘orderly’ ordynans [NomSg] ordynansi [Pl]

s  s

Mac ‘high’ visok [MascSg] vis

i [Compar]

Sorb ‘to ask’ prosyc

pros

u ‘I ask’

z  z´ Pol ‘marquis’ markiz [NomSg] markizi [Pl]

z  zˇ Blg ‘say’ ka

zax [Aor]

a [Prfv

non-past]

Rus ‘to convey’ vozı

voz

‘I convey’

x  s

Pol ‘a Czech’ Czech [NomSg] Czesi [NomPl]

x  s  s

Slk ‘a Czech’ C

ech [NomSg] C

esi [NomPl]

ka [FemNomSg]

B/C/S ‘sin’ gre

h [NomSg] gre

si [NomPl]

gre`` s



ik ‘sinner’

h  z  zˇ Bel ‘leg, foot’ naha

[NomSg] naze

[LocSg]

Slk ‘leg, foot’ nohano

ka [Dim]

r  r

/zˇ Pol ‘Hungarian’ We˛gier [NomSg] We˛

grzy [NomPl]

Cz ‘good’ dobry

[MascSg

Nom]

dobr

[PersNomPl]

c  c

Slk ‘night’ noc noc

[Adj]

Mac ‘sheep’ ovcaovc

ar ‘shepherd’

 c

Bel ‘to roll’ kacı

kac

‘I roll’

dz  dzˇ Slk ‘to throw’ ha

dzat’ ha

em ‘I throw’

 dzˇ Bel ‘to go’ xadzı

xadz

‘I go’

4.3 Consonant alternations 203

4.3.1.4 Compound alternations (of clusters)

This class contains either compound palatalization or regressive assimilation of

palatalization:

(21)

sk  s

Sorb ‘Sorbian’ serbski

[MascNomSg]

serbs

ina ‘Sorbian

(lang.)’

sk  s

Rus ‘to seek’ iska

‘I seek’

sk  s

t’ Slk ‘Polish’ pol’sky

[NomSgMasc]

pol’s

tina ‘Polish

language’

st  s

Pol ‘Communist’ komunista

[NomSg]

komunis

ci [NomPl]

st  s

Sln ‘to leave’ zapustı

ti [Prfv] zapus

ti [Imprfv]

st  s

B/C/S ‘to entertain’ go

stiti go

en [PPP]

st  s

t’ Cz ‘to clean’ c

istit c

n [MascNom

SgPPP]

sl  s

lj Sln ‘to ponder’ premı

sliti [Prfv] premis

ljeva

ti [Imprfv]

Rus ‘to send’ posla

pos

lju

‘I will send’

sn  s

nj Sln ‘to delay’ zakasnı

ti [Prfv] zakas

njeva

ti [Imprfv]

zg  zˇ d’ Blg ‘I bit’ glo

zgax [Aor] glo

ˇdj

a ‘I bite’

zd  zˇ d’ Cz ‘to be late’ opozdit se [Prfv] opoz

ˇd

ˇny

[PPP]

zł  z´ l Pol ‘bad, evil’ zł y [MascNomSg] z

li [MascAnim

NomPl]

ck  ct’ Cz ‘English’ anglicky

[MascNomSg]

anglicti [MascAnim

NomPl]

4.3.2 Other simplex alternations

(22a) v  s

Mac strav ‘fear’ stras

en ‘terrible’

v  s Mac Vlav ‘a Vlach’ Vlasi ‘Vlachs’

(these are historically the x  s

/x  s alternations (PV1/PV2), with

Mac x > v)

s  c Mac pes ‘dog’ pci [Pl]

In Macedonian the following alternations occur before c/c

in derivation:

(22b) s(t)  f ‘bridge’ most [Sg] mofc

ˇe

[Dim]

 f ‘mouse’ glus

ec [Sg] gluf ci [Pl]

glufc

ˇe

[Dim]

z  v ‘train’ voz [Sg] vovc

e [Dim]

j  v/ø ‘scarf’ s

amija [Sg] s

ami(v)s

e [Dim]

204 4. Morphophonology

4.3.3 Epenthetic /n/

With the exception of Belarusian, all Slavic languages insert -n- between a preposi-

tion and a following 3 Person personal pronoun:

(23) Ukr vin ‘he’ joho

[GenSg] bez n

ho ‘without him’

cf. Bel e

n ‘he’ jaho

[GenSg] bez jaho

‘without him’

The epenthetic -n- is now standard for all non-enclitic 3 Person pronouns, with or

without a preposition, in South Slavic (B/C/S nje

gov, Blg, Mac ne

gov ‘his’), and in

the instrumental in Ukrainian, Polish, Slovak and Sorbian (5.5.2.3):

(24) InstrSgMasc-Neut InstrSgFem InstrDu InstrPl

Ukr nym ne

ju ny

Pol nim nia˛ nimi

Slk nı

ou nimi

Sorb nim njej nimaj nimi

4.3.4 Voice alternations

As we have seen, voiced obstruents at the end of a word are phonologically

devoiced, except in Ukrainian and B/C/S, according to the rule discussed in 3.4.3.4:

(25) Sorb muzˇ [-S] ‘man’ muzˇa [GenSg]

Rus boroda

‘beard’ boro

d [-t] [GenPl].

Morphophonologically driven alternations of voice may also be caused by regres-

sive assimilation of voice before suffixes (3.4.3.2), sometimes marked in the

orthography:

(26) B/C/S Srbin ‘a Serb’ srpski ‘Serbian’

Rus sva

tat

‘to propose as a husband’ sva

ba ‘wedding’.

4.3.5 Consonant  zero alternations

The most important types of consonant  zero alternations involve the dropping of

consonants before the perfective suffix -nu- in East Slavic:

(27) Ukr ‘to move’ dvy

h-aty [Imprfv] dvy

-nuty [Prfv]

Rus ‘to touch’ tro

g-at

[Imprfv] tro

-nut

[Prfv]

cf. Pol dz

wig-nac

(‘to lift’), Blg tro

g-na

4.3 Consonant alternations 205

although there are some cases of restoration by analogy:

(28) Rus ‘to perish’ pogib-a

[Imprfv] pogı

b-nut

[Prfv] (not *poginut

)

We also find some simplification of consonant clusters. Many of these occur in any

case in allegro speech, but some of the languages additionally authorize such

changes in their orthography:

(29) Mac ‘leaf ’ list [Sg] lisje [Pl]

‘local’ mesten [MascSg] mesna [FemSg]

‘grape’ grozd [Sg] grozje [Pl]

B/C/S ‘ill’ bo`` lestan [MascNomSg] bo`` lesna [FemNomSg]

This is particularly clear in East Slavic (and some West Slavic) l-participle forms,

where final ‘consonant +/l/’ results in the loss of the l:

(30) Rus ne

s ‘he carried’ nesla

‘she carried’

cf. Pol nio

sł [n

us(w

)] ‘he carried’ niosł a ‘she carried’

In the case of the suffix -nu- (see above), it may itself be deleted in this form, leading

in turn to the deletion of /l/ (cf. 28):

(31) Rus pogı

b-nut

‘to perish’ pogı

b [PastMasc] pogı

bla [Fem]

The deletion is regular where the verb is derived from an adjective, when -nu- has

the meaning ‘become x’:

(32) Rus slep- ‘blind’:

o-sle

p-nut

‘go blind’ osle

p [PastMasc] osle

pla [Fem]

For further discussion on phonological cluster simplification, see 3.2.3.1 and

3.4.3.3.

4.4 Combined vowel and consonant alternations

4.4.1 Liquids

B/C/S show l  ø and l  o alternations at the end of words and syllables:

(33) B/C/S ‘salt’ so

[NomAccSg] so`` li [GenSg]

‘fell’ pa`` o [Masc] pa`` la [Fem]

‘rural’ se`` osk



i [MascNomSg] se

lo ‘village’

There is also an important liquid/vowel set of alternations in roots. These fall into

two main types.

206 4. Morphophonology

4.4.1.1 Pleophony

Particularly in Russian, Church Slavonic roots contrast in some words with East

Slavic roots which have undergone pleophony (see 1.3.1.7, 1.6.1). It is possible to

view such forms as part of morphophonology, or to see them as semi-suppletive

roots in word formation. Such pairs may occur in different derivations from the

same root, or they may provide stylistic alternatives or may even have different

meanings:

(34) Rus -oro-,RusChSl -ra-:Rus go

rod ‘city, town’ grad (poetic)

Rus storona

‘side’ strana

‘country’

Rus -olo-,RusChSl -la-: Rus vo

lost

‘rural district’vlast

‘power’

Rus -ere-,RusChSl -re-:Rus pere-da

‘transfer’ pre-da

‘betray’

Rus -olo-,RusChSl -le-:Rus molo

nyj ‘milk’ [Adj] mle

nyj (poetic);

cf. Mle

nyj Put

‘The Milky Way’

A related alternation within Russian proper (that is, not Russian Church Slavonic),

and also Belarusian and Ukrainian, is oro  or etc., sometimes additionally with no

vowel (simple r):

(35) oro  or Rus boro

sja ‘to fight’ borju

‘I fight’

bor

‘struggle’

olo  ol Rus kolo

‘to stab’ kolju

‘I stab’

ere  er  r Rus tere

‘to rub’ te¨ r [PastMasc]

tru ‘I rub’

olo  el Rus molo

‘to grind’ melju

‘I grind’

4.4.1.2 Metathesis

Similar alternations occur in West and South Slavic, deriving from the metathesis

which is the equivalent to East Slavic’s pleophony:

(36) or  ra Blg ora

‘I plough’ ra

lo ‘a plough’

Sln po

rjem ‘I undo’ pra

ti ‘to undo’

ol  la Blg ko

lja ‘I stab’ klax ‘I stabbed’

Slk kole ‘he stabs’ klat’ ‘to stab’

ol  l

‘

o USorb kolje ‘he stabs’ kł o

‘to stab’

er/ar  re  r Pol mrzec

‘to die’ marł ‘he died’

mre˛ ‘I die’

el  la Blg me

lja ‘I grind’ mljax ‘I ground’ [Aor]

el  le Pol miele˛ ‘I grind’ mlec

‘to grind’

4.4 Combined vowel and consonant alternations 207

And Bulgarian shows an alternation, deriving from Proto-Slavic syllabic /r

related to syllable- and word-final position (avoiding final clusters):

(37) a˘  ra˘ Blg gra

k ‘a Greek’ ga

rci [Pl]

a˘  la˘ Blg ga˘

ltam ‘I swallow’ gla

tna [Prfv]

4.4.2 Approximants (j, v–w) and diphthongs

There is also the important ov  uj alternation in verbs: finite forms of imperfective

verbs replace -ov-/-ev- with -uj-/-juj- immediately before the present-tense inflexion.

Historically, the /j/ is a present-tense suffix or theme whose presence caused the

diphthongs /ou eu/ to form a closed syllable and thus undergo monophthongiza-

tion (1.3.1.7 and 5.5.5.4). The /ov/ form appears almost exclusively in the infinitive

suffix -ova-:

(38) Rus pleva

‘to spit’ pljuju

‘I spit’

kova

‘to forge’ kuju

‘I forge’

Sorb lubow-ac

‘to love’ lubu-ju ‘I love’

lubowany [PPP] lubujes

‘you [Sg] love’

lubowanje [Verbal noun] lubuj! ‘love!’ [2 Sg]

4.5 Morphological typology of alternations

In this section we describe the typical morphophonological alternations of Slavic,

relating the above alternations to morphological contexts (inflexion and word

formation in the noun (table 4.1), adjective (table 4.2), verb and adverb

(tables 4.3–4.4) ).

4.5.1 Nouns: inflexion

See table 4.1. In addition to mutation, there is also automatic additive palataliza-

tion of consonants before /i/ and sometimes /e/ in East and West Slavic (3.4.3.1).

Special forms outside the area of palatalization, and some more within morpho-

logy than morphophonology, include:

a. Suppletive forms, mainly distinguishing singular and plural:

(39) Cz c

ˇloveˇk

‘man, person’ lide

[Pl]

Slk c

lovek ‘man, person’ l’udia [Pl]

Rus rebe

nok (ditja

) ‘child’ de

ti [Pl]

208 4. Morphophonology