226
CHAPTER 10
neither able to find competent ministers nor able to support them for long against
palace intrigues.
Remarkably faithful in his marriage vows (for a Bourbon), Louis likewise lacked
an able woman to rule from behind the scenes, such as Louis XV’s mistress Madame
Pompadour. Louis XVI’s spouse, the notorious Queen Marie Antoinette, contrib-
uted to the growing contempt for the monarchy. Although Marie Antoinette was
the daughter of Maria Theresa Habsburg, she inherited none of her mother’s talents
for governance. She instead preferred parties, balls, masquerades, and the life of
luxury that absolute monarchs enjoyed. She never said something so extreme as,
‘‘Let them eat cake [brioche],’’ when she heard that peasants were begging for
bread; the quote came from a fictional character in a novel. Yet people readily
believed that Marie Antoinette could have said it. Her actions and reputation hurt
her royal husband’s position. Louis XVI’s reign again exposed the great virtue and
fatal flaw of absolutism: everything depended on one person.
As Louis confronted his shortage of funds, he naturally thought of the basic
ways governments raised money: conquest, loans, and taxes. The first choice of war
was risky, and it required money up front to equip the troops. Besides, he had no
readily available excuse to attack anyone. As for the second alternative, the French
banks were tapped out, while foreign banks did not want to take on the risk of
French credit. That left only raising taxes. When Louis tried to raise taxes, however,
the nobles who ran the courts, the parlements, declared that he could not do so.
The nobles hoped to use this financial crisis for their own gain, restoring some of
their long-lost influence. They insisted that the king would have to call the Estates-
General, as Philip IV had done four and one-half centuries earlier. Certainly, as an
absolute monarch, Louis could have just raised taxes. Instead of acting firmly and
risking some civil disturbance, the king gave in.
Since no living person remembe red the E stat es-G ener al (it had last met in 1614),
public officials quickly cobbled together a process from dusty legal tomes. Three
hundred representatives should be elected from each of the three estates: the clergy,
the nobilit y, and the common people (althou gh on ly th e top 20 percent of the bour-
geoisie, such as doctors and lawye rs, were a ctua lly eligible to run for election). Some
members of the Third Estate compla ined that their vas tly greater numbe rs compared
with the size of the other two estates deserved more repres ent atio n. The king gave
in, again, and conceded that they could have about six hundred representatives (see
diagram 10.2). While this concession might seem more equitable, it did not c hallenge
the predominance of the first two estates. For one, they were often related to and
connected to one another, so they shared the same views. For anothe r, each estate
voted in a bloc—thus the three hundred clergy had one vote, the three hundred
nobles had one vote, and the six hundred commoners had one vote. Therefore, the
Third E stat e would probably always be o utvo ted 2–1.
Shortly after the representative s to the Estates-Genera l arrived at Versailles for the
opening ceremonies on 5 May 1789, the Third Estat e began to agitate for voting by
individual repr esen tatives, aiming to at least even out the votes to 600–600. They
even tried to declare themselves to be a new legis latu re called the National Assembly.
The kin g was upset by this wrangling and locked the meeting hall on the mo rnin g of
20 June. Many representatives, mostly those from the Third Estate along with a few
PAGE 226.................
17897$
CH10 10-08-10 09:37:45 PS