Mullins L.J. Management and organisational behaviour, Seventh edition

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Racial harassment may also take many forms and can include:

■ racial innuendoes or offensive language, racist jokes and banter, practical jokes, the open dis-

play of racist publications, notes containing racial insults, physical assault, racist

terminology, abusive email messages, and isolation or lack of co-operation at work.

Whether the action was intended to cause offence or not does not matter – if the

employee being subjected to the behaviour finds it unacceptable and he or she feels

damaged or harmed by it, this constitutes potential harassment.

Harassment is normally characterised by more than one incident of unacceptable

behaviour, but in some circumstances just one instance may constitute harassment if it

is sufficiently serious.

Because the nature of human stress is complex and socially and culturally bound, it

is interesting to reflect on its possible developments. Is it the case that stress predomi-

nates nowadays because our expectations are still bound within the bureaucratic

organisations of earlier decades of work? Personal life commitments are significantly

tied into full employment and a career for life (with a 25-year mortgage and easier

credit arrangements) and yet evidence is growing of organisations’ requirements for

shorter and more flexible working patterns. Perhaps, with an increasing awareness of

the changing nature of work patterns and a reorganisation of the interface between

work and home, stress may be reduced or at the very least may be perceived in new

ways. Are we currently at the cusp of new changes where a new generation may have

differing expectations and may adapt their lives to suit a new order and style? (Stress at

work is also discussed in Chapter 18.)

It is self-evident that different occupations require different skills, competencies and

abilities. It is also the case that individuals vary with regard to their mental abilities

and the extent to which they apply them at work. The ‘happy’ scenario is one where a

match occurs between the individual’s abilities and their occupation, but reality sug-

gests that this is not always the case. The extremes include employees bored rigid with

a simple task who become careless and make a succession of mistakes, and the employ-

ees who have been promoted beyond their capability. The result could be stress either

for the individuals unable to cope, or their work colleagues who are picking up the

debris left behind. It can be assumed that a person’s ability is dependent upon his or

her intelligence, but the study of intelligence has revealed a number of controversies

and sensitivities.

In a similar vein to the studies of personality, different schools of thought have

emerged with regard to the study of abilities. Similar debates to the ones that surround

the study of personality have also swirled around the research on intelligence.

■ Is intelligence inherited? Is it constant throughout life? Is it dependent upon our

life’s experiences, our culture, our education, etc.?

■ What is the nature of intelligence? Can it be measured and how?

The nativists believe that intelligence is mostly inherited (nature), while the empiri-

cists believe that our environment shapes our behaviour and mental abilities (nurture).

Galton’s

thesis suggested that genius seemed to run in families and proposed that

intelligence must be inherited. He studied eminent families and noted that sons of

famous fathers also showed special talents and abilities. The notion that such sons may

have ‘rich’ and stimulating environments with the opportunity to learn and develop

talents did not enter into Galton’s argument.

CHAPTER 9 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

355

ABILITY

Is intelligence

inherited?

Cyril Burt’s influential work in the 1930s not only lent support to the genetic argu-

ment but also influenced educational policy. However, in the 1980s, his work was

discounted when fraudulent practice was uncovered. Data and the research assistants

had been invented by Burt.

Studies completed on twins also supported the genetic argument. Researchers used

the opportunity to study identical twins who, for whatever reasons, were separated at

birth and reared in different homes, an ideal research situation to explore the impact

of nature or nurture on adult intelligence. The twins’ intelligence was measured in

adulthood and the similarity in scores that emerged was strong evidence to support the

genetics argument. It would appear that the different family environments did not

have an impact on the intelligence measured. However, many critics argued that

although the families were different there was great similarity in terms of the social

class background. Rather than comparing twins who experienced substantial differ-

ences in their upbringing the twins had often been placed in homes which came from

a similar community – thus the genetic argument was diluted.

Howe

summarises recent convincing evidence to show that intervention can have

an impact on IQ. He cites evidence from early intervention programmes such as Head

Start initiatives and other schooling effects, from studies of child adoption and from

nutritional studies. Howe concludes that: ‘The empirical findings provide no support

for the pessimistic conclusion that low intelligence and the problems associated with it

are inevitable and unalterable.’

The political implications of research into the nature of intelligence are striking.

Some of the earliest theories influenced the educational philosophy of England and

Wales, including how children were selected for different types of secondary education

and the kind of help that should be given to children with special needs.

Can intelligence be measured and how?

Binet and Simon,

working in France, were the first psychologists to measure ability in

a systematic and structured way. They were responsible for identifying children with

special educational needs and they developed a battery of exercises for children to per-

form at specific ages. They established a mental age for each task based on the ‘normal’

ability of children and were therefore able to identify those children whose mental age

was not the same as their chronological (actual) age.

Terman

working at Stanford University in the United States advanced the ideas of

Binet and developed an intelligence test known as the Stanford–Binet Test which was

designed to measure intelligence across a wide scale. The tests were able to provide a

‘score’ of the child’s intelligence. The Intelligence Quotient (or IQ) was the calculation

of the:

Mental age

–––––––––––––––––––––––––––– × 100 = Intelligence Quotient

Chronological (Actual) age

Hence a child who is 10 years and has a mental age of 10 will have an IQ score of 100;

a child of 10 years with a mental age of 12 will have an IQ score of 120; and a child of

10 years with a mental age of 8 will have an IQ score of 80.

Arguments have raged within psychologists’ circles as to the nature of intelligence. Is

it dependent on a general overall factor which will have an overarching effect on spe-

cific activities? Or are specific activities independent of each other? In other words, if a

child shows a high level of ability at mathematics is this dependent on an overall high

general ability? General ability can be seen as a kind of powerhouse which releases some

of its energy into the child’s ability at mathematics. (For other children it may act as a

limiting factor.) Spearman

proposed a two-factor theory of intelligence and suggested

that every intellectual task involves a level of mental agility – a general factor (g) – plus

356

PART 4 THE INDIVIDUAL

specific abilities (s). This idea, developed by Ver non,

resulted in a model which placed

abilities in a hierarchy (see Figure 9.5). Abilities at the lower end of the hierarchy in

Figure 9.5 are more likely to correlate, so hence if a child has a good vocabulary, he or

she is more likely to have abilities in reading and comprehension too.

Cattell suggests that the g factor could be constructed as having one dimension which

is independent of any direct learning or experience. He called this fluid intelligence

which he suggested was the type of abstract reasoning ability which is free of any cul-

tural influences. The second dimension, called the crystallised intelligence, is

dependent upon learning, cultural experiences and is part of our general understand-

ing of the world around us. Bartram and Lindley

suggested that the two abilities

should not be seen as distinct but that:

... in effect, there is a continuum from fluid ability at one end to crystallised ability at the other. In

practice we do not have tests of ‘pure ability’ as there will always be some impact, however

slight, of our culture and background. But the distinction is a useful one.

Other psychologists have argued that the presence of ‘g’ – this powerhouse – is an

unnecessary artefact. What is important in understanding abilities is the way in which

the different abilities can be identified and measured. Thurstone

claimed seven pri-

mary mental abilities which can be separately measured resulting in a profile of scores:

■ spatial ability

■ perceptual speed

■ numerical reasoning

■ verbal reasoning

■ memory

■ verbal fluency

■ inductive reasoning.

Guilford

criticised theories which aimed to simplify intelligence into a small number

of factors. He devised a model which identified 120 different abilities and suggested

that intellectual ability requires individuals to think in one of three dimensions.

CHAPTER 9 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

357

Crystallised

and fluid

intelligence

Other models

of intelligence

Figure 9.5 A hierarchy of abilities

(Source: Adapted from P. E. Vernon, ‘The hierarchy of abilities’, in Wiseman, S. (ed.) Intelligence and Ability (first published 1967, reprinted 1968,

■ Content. What must the individual think about (for example, meaning of words or

numbers)?

■ Operations. What kind of thinking is the individual required to do (for example,

recognising items, solving a problem, evaluating an outcome)?

■ Products. What kind of outcome or answer is required (for example, classifying or

reordering items)?

(See Figure 9.6.)

Guilford also expressed concern about the convergent nature of tests that required a

single solution or answer. He suggested that tests should also be looking at an individ-

ual’s ability to produce divergent answers.

Gardner

regarded the simplification of intelligence in terms of an IQ measure as unre-

alistic in the light of different intelligent behaviour that could be observed in everyday

life. Although intelligence tests may offer one explanation of why an individual per-

forms better in an academic institution, and may be a legitimate measure of such

behaviour, it failed to take into account the full range of intelligent activity. He sug-

gested that there was a multiple of intelligences and categorised them into six varieties

(all of which could be further divided):

Verbal Akin to the factors described in earlier theories

Mathematical

}

Spatial capacity Ability shown by artists and architects

Kinaesthetic Abilities of a physical nature

Musical Abilities of musicianship

}

Interpersonal – skills with other people

Personal intelligences Intrapersonal – knowing oneself

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PART 4 THE INDIVIDUAL

Intelligence –

one or many?

Memory

Operation = what

the person does

Product = the

form in which the

information is

processed

Content = the

type of material

on which the

operations are

performed

Operation

Evaluation

Convergent production

Divergent production

Cognition

Units

Relations

Systems

Transformation

Implications

Figural

Symbolic

Semantic

Behavioural

Content

Product

Classes

5 × 4 × 6 = 120 categories,

each representing at least one

factor of human ability

Figure 9.6 Guilford’s structure of the intellect model

(Source: J. P. Guilford, ‘Three faces of intellect’, in Wiseman, S. (ed.) Intelligence and Ability

(first published 1967, reprinted 1968, 2nd edition

Emotional intelligence

An elaboration of some of Gardner’s ideas was made by Goleman

who agreed that the

classic view of intelligence was too narrow. He felt that the emotional qualities of indi-

viduals should be considered. These, he felt, played a vital role in the application of

intelligence in everyday life. He identified the key characteristics as:

abilities such as being able to motivate oneself and persist in the face of frustrations; to control

impulse and delay gratification; to regulate one’s moods and keep distress from swamping the

ability to think; to emphasise and to hope.

Emotional intelligence has received considerable attention over the last few years as

the concept has been identified as a key aspect of managing people effectively.

Goleman suggests that emotional intelligence or EI predicts top performance and

accounts for more than 85 per cent of outstanding performance in top leaders.

The

Hay Group working with Goleman have identified 18 specific competencies that make

up the four components of emotional intelligence and have produced an inventory

designed to measure Emotional Competence (see Figure 9.7). The Emotional

Competence Inventory defines EI as: ‘The capacity for recognising our own feelings

and those of others, for motivating ourselves and for managing emotions within our-

selves and with others.’

Research work into the effects of an emotional literacy policy at school demonstrates

that children who feel safe, understood and appreciated for the things they do well are

also more focused, more open to ideas and more willing to work at school. The schools

that perform better are those that place emotional literacy first. Simple methods are

used: ‘Quality Circle time’, ‘Talk time’, ‘Friendship Stop’, ‘Quiet Rooms’ – learning

environments which encourage the students to discuss non-curriculum problems and

help them resolve problems. The aim is to develop qualities that enable the students to

become effective learners by developing their sense of self and sense of self-worth,

qualities which are transferable into the work situation.

CHAPTER 9 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

359

SOCIAL

AW ARENESS

SELF-

MANAGEMENT

SELF-

AWARENESS

RELATIONSHIP

MANAGEMENT

• developing others

• inspirational leadership

• change catalyst

• influence

• conflict management

• teamwork and

collaboration

• developing others

• inspirational leadership

• change catalyst

• influence

• conflict management

• teamwork and

collaboration

• emotional self-control

• transparency

• adaptability

• achievement orientation

• initiative

• optimism

• empathy

•organisational awareness

• service orientation

• emotional self-awareness

• accurate self-assessment

• self-confidence

Figure 9.7 Emotional Intelligence Competence Model

The early tests of intelligence have evolved into a large psychological business. Most

people will have taken a psychological test of one kind or another by the time they are

an adult in employment. Tests may be administered at school, college or as part of the

selection assessment process at work. The use of tests is widespread and growing. They

are perceived to be useful as an objective discriminating tool, but they are not without

controversies and sensitivities.

Tests are broadly divided by the British Psychological Society into:

1 Tests of typical performance. These assess an individual’s typical responses to given

situations. Answers are not right or wrong but identify choices, preferences and

strength of feelings. Personality assessments and interest inventories are examples of

such tests.

2 Tests of maximum performance. These assess an individual’s ability to perform effec-

tively under standard conditions. Performance on these tests, which include ability

and aptitude tests, can be judged as right or wrong. Ability tests come in many dif-

ferent forms and may test a general intellectual functioning or a specific ability

(such as verbal reasoning, numerical reasoning, etc.).

Alice Heim (cited in Anastasia) developed a series of general ability tests – AH series –

which are widely used to assess general ability. They test three key areas: verbal,

numerical and diagrammatical reasoning. For example, an individual would be asked

questions similar to the following:

Modern Occupational Skills Tests are an example of specific ability tests and measure a

range of clerical and administrative skills: verbal checking; technical checking; numeri-

cal estimation, etc. They claim to be an aid in the selection of administrative staff.

Their tests are short and can be used singly or together as a battery of tests. The indi-

vidual would be asked questions similar to the following:

Some tests are designed to be given individually whereas others are suitable for admin-

istering within a group situation. However, there are certain minimum features and

standards of conditions which distinguish psychological tests from other forms of

PART 4 THE INDIVIDUAL

Which one of the five words on the right bears a similar relation to each of the two

words on the left?

ABCDE

sensible noise sound judgement tone silly sensitive

The two figures on the left have a feature in common. One, and one only, of the

figures on the right lacks this feature. Which is it?

ABCD E

TESTING

360

informal assessments; tests are essentially ‘an objective and standardised measure of a

sample of behaviour’.

Features of psychological tests

Psychological tests have certain standard features:

1Tests will comprise a standard task, or a set of questions with a standard means of

obtaining the score.

2A technical manual will explain what the test is measuring, how it was constructed,

the procedures for administering, scoring and interpreting the test.

3 Details of the test’s validity (what the test claims to be measuring – and what it is

not measuring) and reliability (the test’s ability to measure consistently) will also be

shown in the manual along with the inferences that can be drawn from the data.

For a test to be considered as a psychological instrument it must be objective, stan-

dardised, reliable, valid and discriminating (but not discriminatory). The selection and

choice of the test should be based on a number of other key features such as its accept-

ability, practicality, time, costs and perceived and actual added value.

All tests have limitations. Tests can only sample behaviour at one particular moment in

time. The information they provide is dependent upon good testing practice and will

only add further evidence to the decision-making process. Tests will not provide the

answer. Some individuals are very nervous and may not perform at their best and

indeed some may feel indignant that they are obliged to take a test at all.

Jackson

identifies a central area of concern in his discussion of fairness in testing.

He distinguishes between fairness of outcome and fairness of process. In the selection

process fairness of outcome implies ‘choosing the best person for the job’. This is

dependent upon measures of later performance to confirm the predictive validity of

the test. Such processes are essential if organisations are to be certain of the value of

tests and are not merely using tests as an administrative convenience to keep the short-

list shorter! By fairness of process, Jackson refers to errors and bias that can occur

during the testing process. Some problems can be limited by good testing practice, but

other sources of bias are more complex. Certain tests have been found to show differ-

ences in average performance levels between men and women or between different

racial or ethnic groups. Feltham et al. suggests that the test may not in itself be unfair

but using the test will lead to different outcomes and different proportions of people

being selected.

Some tests have been found to have an adverse impact. Psychologists

need to work with personnel professionals to be certain that all parts of the testing

process are fair and objective.

Tests should be kept under review. Were they useful? Did they enable a confident

prediction of future work behaviour and performance? Unfortunately, many organisa-

tions may spend considerable time and money on training and in choosing a test, but

then do not perform adequate research and set up suitable evaluation procedures for

testing the test. If organisations do not treat the candidate fairly – that is, provide them

with feedback of results – a damaging impact on the reputation of the organisation can

result. The testing process means that candidates spend a considerable amount of their

own personal time on a process which is demanding and potentially intimidating. If

they feel they have been treated with respect they maintain a positive image of the

organisation even if it has rejected them.

The personal, intrusive and threatening

nature of the psychological tests should not be forgotten.

Exhibit 9.1 illustrates the main arguments for and against the use of psychological tests.

CHAPTER 9 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

361

Limitations of

tests

There are no limits to the attitudes people hold. Attitudes are learned throughout life

and are embodied within our socialisation process. Some attitudes (such as religious

beliefs) may be central to us – a core construct – and may be highly resistant to any

change, whereas other, more peripheral attitudes may change with new information or

personal experiences. Specific events, particularly traumatic ones such as redundancy,

may have a dramatic effect on our attitudes.

So what are attitudes and how can they be distinguished from beliefs and values?

■ Attitudes can be defined as providing a state of ‘readiness’ or tendency to respond

in a particular way.

■ Beliefs are concerned with what is known about the world; they centre on what ‘is’,

on reality as it is understood.

■ Values are concerned with what ‘should’ be and what is desirable.

Gross suggests that

to convert a belief into an attitude, a ‘value’ ingredient is needed which, by definition, is to do

with an individual’s sense of what is desirable, good, valuable, worthwhile and so on.

It has been suggested by Gross that whereas ‘adults may have thousands of beliefs,

they may have only hundreds of attitudes and a few dozen values’.

Hofstede defines

values as a ‘broad tendency to prefer certain states of affairs over others’.

Katz has suggested that attitudes and motives are interlinked and, depending on an

individual’s motives, attitudes can serve four main functions.

■ Knowledge. One of the major functions is to provide a basis for the interpretation

and classification of new information. Attitudes provide a knowledge base and

framework within which new information can be placed.

■ Expressive. Attitudes become a means of expression. They enable individuals to

indicate to others the values that they hold and thus to express their self-concept

and adopt or internalise the values of a group.

■ Instrumental. Held attitudes maximise rewards and minimise sanctions. Hence,

attitudes towards other people (or objects) might be held because of past positive (or

negative) experiences. Behaviour or knowledge which has resulted in the satisfaction

of needs is thus more likely to result in a favourable attitude.

■ Ego-defensive. Attitudes may be held in order to protect the ego from an undesir-

able truth or reality.

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PART 4 THE INDIVIDUAL

1 They make decisions about people

– more systematic

– more precise.

2 They predict future performance and reduce uncertainty.

3 They provide more accurate descriptions of people and

their behaviour. Precise definitions and measured vari-

ables lead to further studies and improve understanding

of the relationship between tests and performance.

But

■ Tests should be seen as an additional source of

information only.

■ Tests may be expensive and time-consuming.

■ Without proper professional practice, they can be

misused and results abused.

■ They may be seen as an intrusion.

■ They may be regarded as inappropriate.

■ Practice may have an effect on test results.

Why use psychological tests?

EXHIBIT 9.1

ATTITUDES

The functions

of attitudes

Is it possible to predict behaviour, if we know an individual’s attitude?

Research suggests the answer is ‘No’. It seems that we do not always behave in a way

that is true to our beliefs; what we say and what we do may be very different. Such evi-

dence indicates that attitudes can be revealed not only in behaviour but also by the

individual’s thoughts (although these may not be revealed in public) and by feelings,

the strength of which demonstrates the extent to which the attitude is a core or

peripheral construct.

A classic study by La Piere illustrates this point. Visiting American hotels and restaur-

ants with a Chinese couple, La Piere found no sign of prejudiced attitudes in the

face-to-face situation, but there were marked racist attitudes in the follow-up attitude

survey. He found complete contradictions between public and private attitudes.

These findings have important implications for the study of attitudes and reveal two

important issues for the psychologist and manager.

1Attitudes cannot be seen; they can only be inferred.

Given that the attitudes employees hold are important for morale and the effectiveness

of organisations, it is important that there is confidence in the measurement tech-

niques used to assess the strength of attitudes. As attitudes are inferred, heavy reliance

is placed therefore on the accuracy of assessment. Although there are a number of dif-

ferent techniques which could be used to measure attitudes, the two most common

techniques are direct observation and self-reporting techniques.

All of us observe others and assess attitudes on the basis of communication style

(both verbal and non-verbal) and behaviour. This is an example of an informal

approach – unsystematic, spontaneous and based on our understanding of social cues.

We may be wrong in our judgement. Students who turn up late for classes, slouch on

their seat and do not ask questions may still hold very positive attitudes towards the

subject. Managers may also be erroneous in their assumptions and beliefs about their

colleagues (both subordinates and superiors). Their beliefs may never have been tested

out – merely assumed to be correct.

Serious mistakes can be made when dealing with people across different cultures.

For instance eye contact in Western countries is normally associated with confidence,

politeness and attentiveness but in some African countries may be seen as rude and

disrespectful. Bulgarians nod when they mean ‘no’ and shake their heads when they

mean ‘yes’ while the Greeks nod upwards or raise their eyebrows for ‘no’ and shake the

head side to side or tilt it to say ‘yes’. A lack of ‘cultural literacy’ can lead to incorrect

assumptions, poor relationships and a failure to make useful business connections.

Organisations which assess their employees’ attitudes by using attitude question-

naires (self-reporting techniques) are attempting to systematically gauge and measure

these assumptions. Attitude questionnaires are time-consuming to design and adminis-

ter. The questions asked, their relevance, style and length are all important variables in

the validity of the questionnaire. So, too, is the honest completion of questionnaires.

Making public people’s private attitudes may also have its dangers as expectations of

change may be envisaged. If these do not occur, disappointment and low morale may

be the result.

(See also the discussion on the Johari window in Chapter 14.) Attitude

questionnaires are used by many companies as a barometer for the attitudinal climate

of organisations and as such enable managers to be in touch with employees’ views

and feelings. (See Table 9.7.)

CHAPTER 9 INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

363

Prediction of

behaviour

2Attitudes are often shared within organisations and as such are embodied in the

culture of organisations.

Classic research has shown the influence of the wider community in the formation of

orientations towards work. Differences in class/orientation may elicit a range of loyalties

and possibly produce opposing perceptions of commitment, loyalty and co-operation.

Attitudes are not just individually formed but arise out of interaction with others. They

are often ‘locked-in’, often regarded as obvious, mere common sense, and are so much

taken for granted that they may be overlooked. Sharing the belief system of others also

has affective outcomes. If people feel that they belong and are included, it enables them

to feel good about working in an organisation. If, on the other hand, people do not feel

part of the organisation – if they feel that they do not share the dominant attitudes and

beliefs – negative emotional consequences are likely to result.

Researchers of organisational culture suggest that it is the shared perceptions of daily

practices that are at the core of organisational cultures.

‘The reality of everyday life is

taken for granted as reality.’

(Organisational culture is explored in more detail in

Chapter 22.) Implications of the unquestioning nature of ‘reality’ of what can or cannot

be done can lead to individuals becoming ‘culturally blinkered’. Insitutionalised atti-

tudes result. Major problems arise when these attitudes are formed on the basis of

stereotypes and prejudice as was evidenced in the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry:

Unwitting racism can arise because of lack of understanding, ignorance or mistaken beliefs. It

can arise from well intentioned but patronising words or actions. It can arise from unfamiliarity

with the behaviour or cultural traditions of people or families from minority ethnic communities.

It can arise from racist stereotyping of blackpeople as potential criminals or troublemakers.

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PART 4 THE INDIVIDUAL

Please tick one box that most closely represents how you feel Strongly Strongly

about each statement disagree agree

I believe in what OrgCo is trying to achieve 12345

I enjoy discussing OrgCo with people who do not work here

I know how my job contributes to OrgCo’s aims and objectives

Good and bad news about what is happening at OrgCo is communicated regularly

My values and those of the organisation are very similar

Right now, staying with OrgCo is a matter of necessity as much as desire

I am constantly interrupted in my work

I enjoy my job

I am encouraged to seek out new training opportunities

My manager discusses with me ways in which I can improve my work performance

OrgCo is serious about removing barriers to ensure equality of opportunity

Staff at OrgCo regularly help and support each other at work

I lack direction from my manager

When things do not go well in our team/department we learn from the experience

Communication within my team is positive and effective

Taking everything into account I have a high level of job satisfaction with my team

Table 9.7 An example of an attitude questionnaire