Kostick Conor. The Social Structure of the First Crusade
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298 conclusion
in the First Crusade and one in the Second Crusade.
32
Nevertheless,
it is generally accepted that the numbers of noble crusaders who had
nothing to lose and everything to gain from the expedition was nothing
like the size portrayed in the nineteenth century sources. The ‘act of
love’ school of thought therefore concludes that the crusading image
of the spirited young warrior, more interested in fame and glory than
the salvation of their soul, is a fi ctional one. They have consistently
overlooked, however, the signifi cant presence of those knights who were
described as iuvenes and the pattern of behaviour they displayed which
earned them such an epithet.
Chapter Six of this work draws attention to a number of these
magnates, not always young in age, who were described by the early
crusading sources as iuvenes.
33
These warriors were brave, but extremely
violent. They sought glory in battle, slaughtered both combatants and
civilians and revelled in displays of their riding ability. Their motiva-
tion for joining the crusade was not strictly material, in the sense of
a search for land and booty. But there was nevertheless a structural
consideration at work in their behaviour. Georges Duby explored the
position of the unmarried sons of the magnates of a slightly later era
and he drew attention to the way that bands of ‘youths’ would draw
together to fi ght in tournaments and in the wars of their elders, in
order to win fame, followers and if possible, the biggest prize of all,
an heiress whose lands would allow them to become magnates in their
own right.
34
The violence of these bands of knights in search of the opportunity
to prove their military prowess was destabilising and more than one
clerical author breathed a sigh of relief that the destructive energy of
the knightly order had been defl ected by the idea of crusading onto
an external non-Christian enemy.
35
For the iuvenes who took the cross,
they not only had the opportunity to earn salvation without having to
give up their customary military lifestyle: but they could advance their
fame while simultaneously winning the approval of the church. One
32
H. E. Mayer, The Crusades (seventh edition: Oxford, 1993), p. 24.
33
AA ii.23 (100).
34
‘Les “jeunes” dans la société aristocratique dans la France du Nord-Ouest au XII
e
siècle,’ Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 19 (5), 1964, pp. 835–846. Reprinted in
Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society, trans. C. Postan, University of California Press
(Berkely, 1977). Also G. Duby, William Marshal—The Flower of Chivalry, trans. R. Howard
(London, 1986), passim.
35
GN 87; RM 748.
conclusion 299
of the results of the investigation in this book then, is to put back into
an understanding of the mentality of those participating in the First
Crusade the presence of the worldly and ambitious knight, having
reinterpreted their behaviour as arising out of their particular social
situation rather than it being a simple refl ection of a desire for booty
or the ‘second son’ syndrome.
Overall, the motivation of those on the First Crusade was as hetero-
geneous as the various social classes who took part. Not only did the
balance between spiritual and material considerations vary consider-
ably from social group to social group, within each stratum could be
found fi gures displaying considerable devotion to the spiritual goals
of the expedition and those of a more cynical disposition. And no
doubt there were those whose outlook changed during the course of
the expedition.
Methodologically, the school of crusading historiography that is
currently dominant in the Western world can appropriately be termed
‘idealist’: as a result of its philosophical approach, its attribution of pious
ideals to early crusaders and a quite conscious rejection of materialism.
Marcus Bull has written the following explanation of why historians
with a Marxist background have been incapable of analysing the cru-
sades: ‘there is no serious Marxist interpretation of the crusade and
its motivations—perhaps because problems of human agency obtrude
a little too disconcertingly when large numbers of people consciously
engage in something that on the surface appears so eccentric in rela-
tion to the broad trends of social change. Perhaps, too, because the
“poor” are seldom more than a shadowy presence in the dynamics of
a crusade, cultural Marxist analysis is a lost cause.’
36
Bull’s portrayal of the methodology of Marxist historical writings
here seems rather narrow. If everybody’s behaviour always conformed
to the broad trends of social change, there would be no political
confl ict. Human history would be very simple, smooth and mechani-
cal. There certainly are historical works in the Marxist tradition that
reduce the complexities of a historical phenomenon to overly crude
economic generalisations. But equally, it is often the subtle dynamics
and peculiarities of certain periods of history that has stimulated the
36
M. Bull, ‘Muslims and Jerusalem in miracle stories,’ in Marcus Bull and Norman
Housley eds., The Experience of Crusading 1: Western Approaches (Cambridge, 2003), pp.
13–38, here p. 18.
300 conclusion
more important investigations in the Marxist tradition, not least those
of Marx himself. For example, Marx’s study of Louis Bonaparte is
an appraisal of the colourful events of 1848–52 in France, many of
which seemed extremely eccentric in relationship to the broad trends
of social change, but which still leant themselves to an analysis rooted
in an assessment of the material position of the various classes of the
era.
37
Moreover, Bull’s assertion about the ‘poor’ is exaggerated. It has been
shown here that for the First Crusade at least, pauperes played a signifi cant
and notable role in the dynamics of the movement. The statement about
the ‘poor’ also indicates that for Bull, a Marxist approach is one that
focuses narrowly on the lower social orders. In most Marxist historical
works, however, while the writers are indeed often interested in the
classes at the bottom of society, their studies are typically attempts to
understand the totality of a particular historical phenomenon.
For Norman Housely, the absence of a materialist tradition of analysis
with regard to the crusades is something to be regretted, but even if
it did exist, it would probably not lead to a challenge to the current
consensus. ‘It is unlikely that the emphasis placed by recent research on
devotional motivations will be overturned and that a materialist inter-
pretation will be put forward with authority. This is not because it is
inherently misguided to explain crusading in materialist terms . . . rather,
it is because the devotional motivations that have been put forward are
both appropriately nuanced and fi rmly embedded in broader contexts,
cultural as well as economic and social.’
38
It is regrettable that the great medievalists best equipped to put
forward a materialist interpretation of the crusades, fi gures such as
Georges Duby or Rodney Hilton, never did so. Regrettable, because
approaching the subject with an interest in social dynamics unlocks a
great deal of unappreciated content in the source material. There is
a rich, stimulating, wealth of information to be studied from such a
perspective. Looking at the sources with an eye for what they reveal
about social structure can bring a fresh approach to old debates, even
ones that seemed to have been resolved, and stimulate new ones, to
the benefi t of all those interested in the crusades. Hopefully, the value
of such an approach is evident in this study.
37
K. Marx, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’ in K. Marx and F.
Engels, Collected Works (London, 1979) XI, 99–197.
38
N. Housely, Contesting the Crusades (Oxford, 2006), p. 79.
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