Engerman S.L., Gallman R.E. The Cambridge Economic History of the United States, Vol. 1: The Colonial Era
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British West Indies
Economic
and Social Development 307
They played for high stakes, hoping to make their fortunes quicker than
death could catch them in this high-risk disease environment. By concen-
trating on the production of sugar, the crop with the greatest returns to
investment, and employing large gangs of black slave labor working under
a small corps of white supervisors, a high proportion of planters in the
British West Indies managed to achieve their long-term goals and become
absentees within a generation or so.
Absentee proprietorship tended to be most common in colonies with
the heaviest focus on sugar. The exception was Barbados, which retained a
significant residential planter class throughout the period of slavery. In
1830,
for example, whites still made up 14.5 percent of the population of
Barbados, compared to less than 5.0 percent in almost all of the other
British sugar colonies. This pattern reflected the relatively small scale of
the sugar plantations of
Barbados.
Wherever sugar was produced on really
large units (of more than 1,000 acres or 250 slaves), absentee ownership
had become the norm by the late eighteenth century. At the time of
emancipation, more than half of the slaves of Jamaica belonged to absen-
tees.
Only in the marginal, nonsugar colonies, such as the Bahamas and
the Cayman Islands, did whites amount to more than 20 percent of the
population, and these islands contained no more than a minute proportion
of the total British West Indian population.
Modern explanations for the dominance of black slavery in the British
West Indies generally draw on large-scale theories applicable to all regions
of the Americas. An argument particularly associated with Evsey Domar
in its modern version contends that slavery and other forms of involuntary
labor tend to occur in areas with low population densities or "open re-
sources."
7
In places such as Barbados, according to this model, entrepre-
neurs wishing to produce a high-value product like sugar needed to make
a large investment in land and processing plant and, therefore, had to
secure large labor forces in order to ensure continuity of output and
profits. Free persons were too easily able to obtain land of their own in
Barbados, or in other parts of the seventeenth-century Caribbean and
North American mainland, to supply dependable and productive wage
labor on sugar plantations.
Barbados and most of the other Caribbean territories colonized by the
British in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had no significant
indigenous populations by that time; hence, population density was in-
deed low, and all labor had to be imported. It is clear, however, that
7
Evsey D. Domar, "The Causes of Slavery or Serfdom: A
Hypothesis,"
Journal of
Economic
History 30
(1970),
18-32.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
308 B. W.
Higman
population density by itself cannot account for the central role of involun-
tary labor in the British West Indies. The existence of a capitalist entre-
preneurial class, determined to make fortunes without themselves per-
forming manual labor, was equally essential. The
population-density theory
in its simple form may also be challenged on the grounds that it cannot
say why slaves came to be preferred over indentured servants - a transi-
tion that occurred in Barbados as a consequence of the sugar revolution
of the 1640s
—
or why blacks were enslaved while whites were inden-
tured. Once the system had been firmly established, these questions
could be answered with a sense of inevitability, and the system could
easily spread to new areas which lacked the originating variables. But it
was in the Caribbean and, most fundamentally for the British, in Barba-
dos that the decisions were first made. There was nothing inevitable
about that genesis. Models existed in Brazil and the Atlantic Islands, but
the association of sugar and slavery was cemented in Barbados and the
other British West Indian colonies. The planters or protoplanters of
Barbados have been conceived as rational profit maximizers, who shifted
from white indentured servants to black slaves because the marginal
revenues derivable from slave labor came to be larger.
8
This shift had to
do with changes on the supply side, in Great Britain and Africa, and the
advantages to the planter of having a slave's labor for life as well as the
labor of his/her children, contrasted to the limited labor periods of
indenture. As long as the white servants remained under indenture, it
has been argued, their conditions of labor and standards of living were
very similar to those experienced by black slaves, and their labor time
had a capital value that was equally transferable. At the same time, all of
the decisions underlying these conditions and transitions were taken
within the context of a deep-seated racism that, at the very least, pro-
vided ideological rationalizations for behavior that appeared to conform
with economic rationality on the planter's part.
Once established, the slave system of the British West Indies proved a
voracious consumer of black people. If the planters saw profit in the
offspring of the slaves, they also saw disadvantages in having pregnant and
nursing women in their field gangs, and they chose to "buy rather than
8
Hilary McD. Beckles and Andrew Downes, "An Economic Formalisation of the Origins of Black
Slavery in the British West Indies, 1624—164;,"
Social
and
Economic Studies
34 (198;), 1—24; Hilary
McD.
Beckles, White Servitude and
Black
Slavery in Barbados, 1627-1715 (Knoxville, 1989); David
W. Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America: An
Economic
Analysis (Cambridge, 1981); and
Russell R. Menard, "From Servants to Slaves: The Transformation of the Chesapeake Labor Force,"
Southern
Studies 16 (1973), 333-90.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
British
West Indies Economic
and
Social Development
309
breed." There is debate among scholars regarding the relative importance
of fertility and mortality in this general failure of the West Indian slave
population to grow by natural increase. What is certain is that there was a
very strong association between sugar production on large-scale planta-
tions and the decline of
the
slave population. Only in the case of Barbados
did a positive natural increase occur, before the abolition of the British
Atlantic slave trade in 1808. Where crops other than sugar were grown,
particularly in the nonplantation colonies, there was, however, quite rapid
growth through natural increase. This contrast seems to have little to do
with differences in the natural environment or the disease environment in
which the slaves lived. Nutritional deficiencies played a part, as can be
seen in the relatively short stature of the slaves in the sugar
colonies,
but it
was the environment of labor in gangs, under brutal management, to-
gether with unusually long hours of work in factory as well as field, that
best explains the demographic crisis.
9
The failure of natural increase was accompanied by very large imports of
Africans into the British West Indian colonies. Over the whole history of
the Atlantic slave trade, according to the estimates of Philip Curtin, the
British West Indies (excluding Guyana) imported
1,657,000
slaves, or
17.3 percent of the total inflow into the Americas. By comparison, the
territories of the United States received only 4.5 percent of the total,
reflecting a very different demand and experience of growth by natural
increase. Of the British West Indian colonies, the largest receiver was
Jamaica, with 748,000 slaves imported, and a slave population of just
354,000 in 1808 at the end of the Atlantic trade. Barbados took 387,000,
and the Leeward Islands 346,000. Territories settled by the British at the
end of
the
eighteenth century saw high levels of imports in the short-term
but did not experience the sustained inflows typical of the older colo-
nies.
f°
Some of the British territories, especially Jamaica, engaged in a
reexport trade, sending slaves to nearby Spanish Caribbean colonies.
Whites in the British West Indies also experienced relatively high
mortality rates, so high that Richard Dunn has called the region a demo-
graphic disaster area.'
*
This experience was a spur to absentee proprietor-
ship,
and it also contributed to the emigration and resettlement of some
' Higman, Slave
Populations,
280-378.
'° Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave
Trade:
A
Census
(Madison, 1969), 88—9; Stanley L. Engerman
and B. W. Higman, "The Demographic Structure of the Caribbean Slave Societies in the Eigh-
teenth and Nineteenth Centuries," in Franklin W. Knight, ed., UNESCO General History of the
Caribbean, Vol. Ill (forthcoming).
" RichardS. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves:
The
Rise of
the
Planter Class in
the English West
Indies,
1624-1713
(Chapel Hill, 1972), 334.
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310 B. W. Higman
English colonizers and time-expired indentured servants. Most of the
latter moved to the mainland colonies of North America, remaining
within the British imperial system. Occasionally, planters forced their
slaves and servants to move with them, as in the well-known migration
from Barbados to South Carolina in the second half of the seventeenth
century. There was also a steady stream of movement from the older sugar
colonies and the nonplantation colonies to the newly settled British territo-
ries within the Caribbean, continuing to the time of emancipation. Very
often this meant removal from relatively healthy locations to sites of
intense plantation production and high mortality. For the white popula-
tion, migration within the Atlantic world led to a complex network of
kinship and communication that contributed to the development of in-
terregional trade and placed the tropical and temperate colonies of the
British in reciprocal economic dependence within the larger framework of
mercantilism. In many respects, this was an experience denied the black
slave population, tied as they were to their owners' plantations.
Settlement patterns within the British West Indian colonies during
slavery were fairly simple. More than 90 percent of the population was
rural; the majority lived in large plantation units, each with its own
community identity and clearly defined boundaries. The slaves typically
lived in "villages" of 30 to 70 huts or houses (hardly ever in barracks)
located close to the sugar factory and the "great house" of the owner or
overseer. These plantation domains dominated the landscape. Interspersed
were smallholders' farms with their own minor population nucleations. In
the larger territories, such as Jamaica and Guyana, Maroons lived in
separate, isolated communities in the interior, on lands granted by treaty
following successful guerrilla warfare by slave bands. Almost all of the
true towns of the colonies were also ports, strung along the coastlines of
the islands. The largest of
these
towns, Kingston in Jamaica, had a total
population of about 35,000 in 1810, and the concentration of slaves in
towns was in feet significantly greater in the West Indies than in the
United States at that time.
12
PLANTATION ECONOMY
Just as there was nothing inevitable about the centrality of black slavery in
the labor force of the British West Indian colonies, so the commanding
role of sugar and the plantation was by no means foreordained. Arguments
11
Higman, Slave
Populations,
93—4.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
British West Indies Economic
and
Social Development
311
advanced to account for these patterns of economic organization often see
sugar, slavery, and the plantation as a trinity, indivisible and essentially
determined by the production function of sugar associated with a particu-
lar stage of technological development. This can be regarded as
a
variety of
crop determinism, more sophisticated than earlier determinist models
based on climate or race but still reductionist in effect if not in intent.
Sugar cane requires intensive cultivation. In the seventeenth century,
this meant hand hoeing and digging of cane holes in preparation for
planting; regular weeding during the growing phase; and heavy labor in
the cutting of canes during a harvest or "crop" season, often extending
over half the year. More important than these requirements was the fact
that the milling (grinding) of sugar cane should take place within 48
hours of harvest in order to obtain satisfactory returns of juice. The
milling machinery used in the West Indies in the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries was relatively advanced; it used animal, wind, or water
power, dependent on expensive aqueducts, mill towers, or herds of live-
stock. The boiling and curing processes also required heavy capital invest-
ment in buildings and machinery, and additional resources were needed if
rum was to be distilled as a part of the enterprise.
Cane could be grown by smallholders, using their own labor, and it is
indeed grown this way to some extent in many parts of the tropical world
today. As long as sugar mills remained small-scale, however, the cane
farmer could sell to competing mills in
a
region, merely having
to
weigh the
cost of
cartage.
No miller could dominate an entire region in the way that
modern central sugar mills can do. Further, the smallholder could in turn
choose to produce alternate crops, such as tobacco or cotton, in response to
short-term changes in market conditions. Thus, the seventeenth-century
sugar miller, having invested in expensive capital equipment, was deter-
mined to maximize returns by ensuring a constant supply of
cane
and, in
order to achieve this
goal,
sought
to
monopolize ownership of land immedi-
ately surrounding the mill site to an extent sufficient to cultivate cane equal
to the annual capacity of the
mill.
The
outcome
was
that
millers came also
to
be planters, controlling large
estates.
The demands of intensive cultivation
and harvest operations meant, in turn, the need for a large labor force,
committed to labor on the planter's property. The planter's solution was
black slavery, which involved the most total control of
people
as workers.
The high demand for sugar in Europe, and the consequent high price for the
commodity, created large profits and confirmed for the planter-miller the
correctness of
his
choice.
The 1640s, the primary decade of the Sugar Revolution, saw a great
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
312 B. W. Higman
deal of experimentation. Different types of labor arrangements were tried,
as were different methods of relating cane cultivation to sugar processing,
and different technologies in
field
and factory. There
was
also experimenta-
tion with alternative crops. Sugar emerged as champion because of the
high returns it offered to investment; once this choice had been made by
the potential nonlaboring, protocapitalist class, the plantation economy
emerged as the most profitable solution within the constraints of contem-
porary technology and allowable systems of exploiting the labor of speci-
fied groups of human beings. All of these decisions were embedded in
seventeenth-century European economic ideology and moral philosophy.
It must be emphasized also that the English were not required to be the
original creators of this system. They manipulated models of plantation
economy and technology that had been already established in Brazil and
carried to the West Indies by Dutch traders, who also provided slaves and
credit to enable the English planters to establish plantations on a grand
scale.''
Once the sugar-slavery-plantation system had been
firmly
established in
Barbados and the Leeward Islands, it was rapidly diffused to other English
West Indian colonies and replicated in detail. Some scholars have argued
that the technology remained fixed until the time of emancipation and
that slavery was incompatible with invention and innovation. It is also
argued by some that absenteeism made the planters poorly informed man-
agers of their properties and reluctant innovators. Recent research has
largely rejected this view. In fact, there is evidence of significant innova-
tion in cultivation techniques during the eighteenth century and a willing-
ness to accept new high-yield cane varieties. Numerous inventions were
patented in the islands for improved milling and processing machinery,
and Jamaica was the site of the first industrial application of steam power
to any manufacturing process, in 1768. Boulton and Watt found
a
substan-
tial market for their steam engines, particularly in Jamaica and the new
sugar colonies of the British Caribbean.
I4
•> Robert Cartyle Batie, "Why Sugar? Economic Cycles and the Changing of Staples on the English
and French Antilles, 1624-54," journal of
Caribbean
History 8 (1976), 1-41; Jonathan I. Israel,
Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585-1740 (Oxford, 1989), 236-7; P. C. Emmer, "The Dutch and
the Making of the Second Atlantic System," in Barbara L. Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of
the
Atlantic
System
(Cambridge, 1991),
75—
96.
•« J. H. Galloway, The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical
Geography
from Its Origins to 1914 (Cam-
bridge, 1989), 134-42; Noel Deerr and Alexander Brooks, "The Early Use of Steam Power in the
Cane Sugar Industry,"
Transactions
of the
Newcomen
Society 21 (1940-1),
11-21;
B. W. Higman,
Jamaica Surveyed: Plantation Maps and Plans of the Eighteenth and
Nineteenth
Centuries (Kingston,
1988),
m-58; Veront M. Satcheli,
Technological
Change and
the Jamaican
Sugar Industry, 1750-
1830 (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of the West Indies, Mona, 1994).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
British West Indies
Economic
and Social Development 313
The plantation itself was only the most fundamental unit in a much
larger system, called by some the plantation
complex,
which was in turn an
essential element in the Atlantic world economy.
15
The distinguishing
characteristics of the plantation
economy
model were export-orientation,
monoculture, and large-scale production units. This model, articulated by
West Indian political economists in the 1960s, has since come to be seen
as too rigid to represent accurately the historical experience of the re-
gion.
l6
In the first place, there were breaches in the system resulting from
slave resistance and accommodation, from diversity in the resource base,
and from changes in the political and commercial regulation of the colo-
nies.
To some extent, it may be argued that the significance of these
breaches depends on the perspective taken. From a metropolitan point of
view, they did not always appear to upset seriously the system as a whole.
From the vantage point of the Caribbean, and particularly from the per-
spective of the slave community, the breaches were important in indicat-
ing the creation of a "dual" or "creole economy," which challenged the
basic assumptions of the planter class about the distribution of power and
affirmed the cultural creativity and economic productivity of the Africans
and the "lesser whites."
17
Plantation land-use patterns varied according to topography. Where the
whole of a plantation's land area consisted of soils suited to cane
cultivation - as was commonly the case in, for example, Barbados - other
crops were given little space. Some land was used for pasture, to feed the
animals used in traction, and food crops for consumption by the slaves were
intercropped with cane. Overall, plantations of this type fitted very closely
the plantation economy model of monoculture and export-orientation, de-
pending heavily on external sources for many of their inputs - food, live-
stock, and timber, in particular. Elsewhere, and most obviously in the case
of Jamaica, the plantations were normally much larger (1,000 acres com-
pared to 200 in Barbados) and contained within their boundaries a variety of
•» Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation
Complex:
Essays
in Atlantic History (Cambridge,
1990).
16
Lloyd Best, "Outlines of a Model of Pure Plantation Economy," Social and
Economic
Studies 17
(1968),
283-326; George L. Beckfbrd,
Persistent
Poverty:
Underdevelopment
in Plantation
Economies
of
the Third World (New York, 1972); Hilary McD. Beckles, " The Williams Effect': Eric Williams's
Capitalism and
Slavery
and the Growth of West Indian Political Economy," in Barbara L. Solow and
Stanley L. Engerman, eds., British Capitalism and Caribbean Slavery: The Legacy of Eric Williams
(Cambridge, 1987); Alex Dupuy, "Slavery and Underdevelopmcnt in the Caribbean: A Critique of
the 'Plantation Economy' Perspective," Dialectical
Anthropology,
7 (1983), 237-51.
•' Richard B. Sheridan, "From Chattel to Wage Slavery in Jamaica, 1740-1860," Slavery and Abolition
14(1993), iy,EdmidBmtlnniK,TheDevelopmentof
Creole Society
in
Jamaica,
1770—2820 (Oxford,
1971),
80-95.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
314
B
- W- Higman
soils and topographic zones. This variety meant that even where, say, 300
acres were planted in
cane,
a large proportion of the space could be retained
in woodland (to supply fuel, lumber for building and furniture, and staves
for the sugar casks, for example), pasture (to raise and maintain livestock),
and most importantly "provision grounds" (for the slaves' cultivation of
food crops for their own use). The diversity of land types in Jamaica also
meant that plantations could combine other export staples (such as coffee,
cotton, indigo, and pimento) with sugar production, and that plantations
specializing in different crops could be found in different regions of the
island, creating the potential for
an
internal trade between plantation units.
Extensive areas of Jamaica were devoted to livestock raising on properties
known as
pens,
and these played a vital role in the internal trade of the
island.
l8
Between the extremes of Jamaica and Barbados, the other British
West Indian sugar colonies showed a range of variety in their mix of
crops,
while the nonsugar
colonies
concentrated
on
items such
as
logwood, mahog-
any, cotton, and salt, all for export, and food crops for local consumption.
It was the
provision-ground system
that did most to transform the char-
acter of plantation economy, since it provided a strictly domestic orienta-
tion and must be seen as the joint creation of the slave and slaveowning
classes. This system emerged early in Jamaica and came to be common in
many other colonies where the resource base was conducive. Its ultimate
origin can be found in the planters' desire to reduce expenditure both on
imported food supplies for their slaves and on the alternative method of
producing food by the slave mode of supervised gang labor. Where lands
existed that were unsuited to sugar cultivation, or in excess of the factory's
ability to
process,
the planters allocated plots to the slaves and forced them
to cultivate their own food crops. The planters also allocated small areas
around the slaves' huts to be used as gardens. Although this provision-
ground system meant that the slaves had to work longer hours than where
rationed allowances were provided, the system had attractions that made
most slaves willing participants. Above all, it provided the potential for
choice. The slaves could decide what to plant and when, how to cultivate,
when and what to harvest, whether to consume or market the produce,
with whom to share, and how to use the proceeds of
sales
and exchange.
The system also provided a temporary escape from the regimentation of
gang labor, the whip of the
driver,
and the routine of the factory. It offered
18
B. W. Higman, Slave
Population
and
Economy
in Jamaica, 1807—1834 (Cambridge, 1976); Verene A.
Shepherd, "Livestock and Sugar: Aspects of Jamaica's Agricultural Development from the Late
Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Century," Historical Journal 34 (1991), 627-43.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
British
West Indies Economic
and
Social Development
315
opportunities for marketing, accumulation, and the acquisition of con-
sumption goods, including imported items.?
9
It is less certain that the
system served to improve nutrition, and the reverse may be true. But there
is no doubt that the provision-ground system, together with the diversity
of plantation production, created an economic landscape which from many
points of view was not composed of an unbroken blanket of sugar cane.
PRODUCTION AND TRADE
Throughout the period of slavery, British West Indian production was
measured by the planters and imperial government almost exclusively in
terms of the quantities of sugar shipped by the colonies. The profitability
of plantation enterprise and of empire were measured in the same way.
From the colonial perspective, however, the slave community must have
thought more of variations in the productivity of their provision grounds,
their most immediate source of sustenance, and the prices which their
produce could command in the local markets. Drought and hunger
walked hand in hand, and the price of sugar in the London market meant
relatively little for the everyday living standard of the slave. The free
colored people and the lesser whites often shared this domestic orienta-
tion, though the markets for their goods and services tended to depend
more directly on what was happening in the sugar sector.
Attempts to quantify the output and productivity of the different sec-
tors of the British West Indian economy are constrained by the state's
limited conception of the kinds of data that should be collected. Even in
the case of sugar, statistics are available for exports but not for total
production, because data were collected only where goods entered the net
of the customs house. The same applied to rum, coffee, the other export
staples, and all perishable products which were not exportable with exist-
ing technology. Thus, the extent to which an accurate picture of total
output can be constructed depends on the ratio of exports to production
for each item.
West Indian slaves were surrounded by vast storehouses of energy, the
cane fields, yet they were permitted to consume only a small proportion
of that bounty. In general, less than 2 percent of the sugar produced was
sold within the colonies, to local merchants and planters, and an even
'» Sidney W. Mintz and Douglas Hall, The Origins of the Jamaican Internal Marketing System," Yale
University Publications
in
Anthropology,
No. 37 (i960); Sidney W. Mintz, "Caribbean Marketplaces and
Caribbean History," Nona Americana 1 (1978), 333-44; Higman, Slave
Populations,
204-18.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
316 B. W. Higman
smaller proportion was consumed by the producers. The byproduct mo-
lasses was also largely directed toward the export market. Rum, on the
other hand, was consumed heavily by the colonial population.
20
It was
used to lubricate the internal market, covering local costs wherever
possible. The other export staples - coffee, cotton, indigo, pimento,
cacao, logwood, mahogany - all had very high export:output ratios, so it
is only for rum that the external trade data provide a truly inadequate
measure of production. For the products directed entirely at the local
market, the data are uniformly problematic.
From the 1640s to the time of emancipation, sugar steadily increased
its share of output and trade. The minor staples were driven out, surviving
successfully only in the late-settled colonies, such as Dominica and Gre-
nada, and in ecological zones unsuited to sugar, such as the Blue Moun-
tain coffee region of Jamaica. By 1830, sugar and its byproducts molasses
and rum accounted for 97 to 98 percent of the value of exports from
Barbados and the Leeward Islands, and 90 percent for Trinidad. For
Jamaica, they composed only 72 percent of total exports, and for most of
the late-settled colonies an even smaller proportion.
Seventeenth-century trade data for the British West Indies are fragmen-
tary. Sugar exports from Barbados increased rapidly from about 3,750 tons
in 1651 to 9,525 tons in 1669, in which year the Leeward Islands ex-
ported only 1,679
tons afl
d Jamaica 500 tons. From 1698 to 1834, the
data are much more complete.
21
Trends for a sample of colonies are shown
in Figure
7.1.
Barbados had by 1698 already increased its exports to more
than 13,000 tons, but this proved to be a peak followed by stagnation and
absolute decline into the 1770s. Minor troughs in the graph indicate
short-term difficulties, such as droughts and hurricanes, but the longer-
term decline is generally attributed to soil exhaustion and a failure to
innovate. Barbados experienced something of a revival in the late eigh-
teenth century, however, characterized by improved methods of cultiva-
tion, adoption of new cane varieties, and better factory technologies. By
1834,
exports reached almost 20,000 tons. Jamaica, on the other hand,
showed steady and almost uninterrupted growth in the eighteenth cen-
tury. It had surpassed Barbados by 1730 and the Leeward Islands group by
" B. W. Higman, "Jamaican Port Towns in the Early Nineteenth Century," in Franklin W. Knight
and Peggy K. Liss, eds., Atlantic Port Cities:
Economy,
Culture, and
Society
in the Atlantic World,
1650-1850 (Knoxville, 1991), 117-48; Higman, Slave
Populations,
52-66; Higman, Slave
Popula-
tion and
Economy,
21.
11
NoelDeerr, The History of Sugar
(London,
1949-50); Galloway,
Sugar Cane
Industry,
86; Hilary McD.
Beckles, A History of Barbados:
From
Amerindian
Settlement
to Nation-state (Cambridge, 1990), 22.
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