is the wardrobe of Jacqueline Kennedy during the cam-
paign and presidency of her husband, John F. Kennedy.
Kennedy was criticized for her extravagant wardrobe and
use of foreign designers—especially when compared to
the plain style of the Republican candidate’s wife, Pat
Nixon. Soon after the election, Kennedy worked with the
American designer Oleg Cassini to re-create her image.
As First Lady, Kennedy established a unique style that
was dignified and elegant but also photogenic and rec-
ognizable. For her husband’s swearing-in ceremony in
January 1961, Jacqueline Kennedy wore a Cassini-
designed beige wool crepe dress. She also wore a pillbox
hat from Bergdorf Goodman’s millinery salon, in what
was to become her trademark style—on the back of her
head rather than straight and high, as was the fashion.
Jacqueline Kennedy’s style became widely popular and
helped define the image of the Kennedy presidency as in-
novative, dynamic, and glamorous.
Viewed globally, ceremonial dress involves many acts
of body modification that reflect both indigenous devel-
opment and outside influences. As cultural artifacts, the
specific elements of apparel and body adornment have
many aspects of meaning; they serve as vehicles for the
expression of values, symbols of identity and social sta-
tus, and statements of aesthetic preference. Each item of
a costume has its own history and sociocultural signifi-
cance and must be considered along with the total en-
semble. By looking at ceremonial costumes in other
cultures, it becomes possible to understand better the
form and function of similar types of dress in one’s own
culture.
See also Carnival Dress; Kente; Masks; Masquerade and
Masked Balls.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, Monni. “Women’s Art as a Gender Strategy among the
Wé of Canton Boo.” African Arts 26, no. 4 (1993): 32–43.
D’Alleva, Anne. Art of the Pacific. London: Calmann and King
Ltd., 1998.
Eicher, Joanne B., and Tonye V. Erekosima. “Final Farewells:
The Fine Art of Kalabari Funerals.” In Ways of the River:
Arts and Environment of the Niger Delta. Edited by Martha
G. Anderson and Philip M. Peek, 307–329. Los Angeles:
UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 2002.
Jonaitis, Aldona, ed. Chiefly Feasts: The Enduring Kwakiutl Pot-
latch. New York: American Museum of Natural History,
1991.
Mack, John, ed. African Arts and Cultures. London: British Mu-
seum Press, 2000.
Perani, Judith, and Fred T. Smith. The Visual Arts of Africa: Gen-
der Power and Life Cycle Rituals. Upper Saddle River, N.J.:
Prentice Hall, 1998.
Rose, Roger G., and Adrienne L. Kaeppler. Hawai’i: The Royal
Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: Bishop Museum Press, 1980.
Ross, Doran. Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African
American Identity. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of
Cultural History, 1998.
Rubin, Arnold, ed. Marks of Civilization. Los Angeles: UCLA
Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1988.
Spring, Christopher, and Julie Hudson. North African Textiles.
London: British Museum Press, 1995.
Turner, Victor, ed. Celebration: Studies in Festivity and Ritual.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1982.
Fred T. Smith
CHADOR Chador, meaning “large cloth” or “sheet”
in modern Persian, refers to a semicircular cloak, usually
black, enveloping the head, body, and sometimes the face
(like a tent), held in place by the wearer’s hands. It is
worn by Muslim women outside or inside the home in
front of namahram, men ineligible to be their husbands,
in Iran and with modifications elsewhere, including parts
of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan. The chador is closely
associated with the Islamic practice of hijab, which comes
from the verbal Arabic word “hajaba,” meaning to hide
from view or conceal. Hijab stresses modesty based on
Koranic passages (Surahs XXXIII:59 and XXIV:13) indi-
cating that believing women should cover their hair and
cast outer garments over themselves when in public.
Hijab and Politics
The Islamic chador, introduced during the Abbasid Era
(750–1258) when black was the dynastic color, has been
worn by Persian women with slight variations over many
centuries. Western sartorial changes began in Iran dur-
ing the reign of Shah Nasir al-Din (1848–1896) who, af-
ter visiting Paris in 1873, introduced European-style
clothing to his country. The chador, however, was still
worn by most Persian women. After World War I, with
the government takeover in 1925 by Reza Khan Pahlavi,
legislative and social reforms were introduced, including
using the modern national state name “Iran.” Influenced
by Ataturk’s Westernization clothing programs in the new
Republic of Turkey, Reza Shah hoped his people would
be treated as equals by Europeans if they wore Western
clothing. His Dress Reform Law mandated that Persian
men wear coats, suits, and Pahlavi hats, which resulted in
compliance by some and protesting riots by others with
encouragement from ulema, the group of Islamic clerics
known as mullahs. Gradually, the traditional Shari’a, or
Islamic Law, was being replaced by French secular codes.
Because of emotional and religious opposition to unveil-
ing women, the shah moved slower regarding female dress
reforms, but by February 1936, a government ban out-
lawed the chador throughout Iran. Police were ordered
to fine women wearing chadors; doctors could not treat
them, and they were not allowed in public places such as
movies, baths, or on buses. As modern role models, the
shah’s wife and daughters appeared in public unveiled.
In 1941, fearing a Nazi takeover during World War
II, British and Soviet troops occupied Iran, whereby Reza
Shah abdicated in favor of Mohammed Reza, the crown
prince, age twenty-two, who agreed to rule as a constitu-
CHADOR
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