Cobbs-Hoffman Elizabeth, Blum Edward J., Gjerde Jon. Major Problems in American History, Volume I, 3 edition (ENG)
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Francis Jennings, The Founders of America: From the Earliest Migrations to the Present (1993).
Alvin M. Josephy, Jr., America in 1492: The World of Indian Peoples Before the Arrival of
Columbus (1992).
Karen O. Kupperman, Settling with the Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures
in America, 1580–1640 (1980).
Charles C. Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus (2005).
Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (1985).
James H. Merrill, Into the American Woods: Negotiations on the Pennsylvania Frontier (2000).
Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, and France,
c. 1500–c. 1800 (1995).
William and Carla Phillips, The Worlds of Christopher Columbus (1992).
Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the
Era of European Colonization (1992).
Daniel K. Richter, Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America
(2003).
David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (1993).
Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes
Region, 1650–1815 (1991).
CONQUEST AND COLLIDING WORLDS 33
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CHAPTER 2
The Southern Colonies
in British America
On April 26, 1607, a group of ships bearing 128 men sailed into Chesapeake Bay and began
the settlement of Jamestown, the first successful English plantation in the Americas. The
English had attempted to form colonies beginning in the sixteenth century in locations as varied
as present-day Maine and Virginia, but all had failed. Jamestown probably would have failed
as well but for some fortunate circumstances. The colony’s early years were horrific. The colonists
were more interested in finding precious metals than in feeding themselves. Equally dangerous,
they encountered a variety of new diseases in the swampland on which Jamestown was located.
Many were gentlemen who felt it below their station to clear fields or build stockades. Nine
months after their arrival, only thirty-eight of the English adventurers remained alive.
A series of developments, however, led the Jamestown colony out of its privation. After
several more years of starvation and disease, the colonists began planting West Indian tobacco
in 1611. Within two decades, tobacco exports grew to 1.5 million pounds. Tobacco was a
demanding crop. It rapidly depleted the soil, which increased the demand for land, and it
required intensive labor, which led to the importation of unfree workers. Colonists, including
former indentured servants, increasingly looked to the land controlled by Indians, leading to
conflict between the two groups. This was the basis of the demands in Bacon’s Rebellion in
1676. Although the bound laborers tended to be European indentured servants in the early
years, African slaves later began to replace them. Legal distinctions between servants and
slaves at first were imprecise, but over time the status of African slaves in relation to English
servants deteriorated. This decline in status coincided with an increase in the slave popula-
tion. By 1690, the Chesapeake area contained more African slaves than European servants.
A series of other colonies that followed the Virginia pattern were subsequently formed.
Maryland ( founded in 1634), the Carolinas (1669), and Georgia (1732) joined profitable
British colonies in the Caribbean and were based in large part on staple crops, increasingly
tended by African slaves. Unlike the Chesapeake area, which continued to grow tobacco,
South Carolina and Georgia relied on indigo, a purple dye, and on rice, whereas the
Caribbean colonies produced sugar. Which crops were grown profoundly influenced the
workers’ lives. Sugar production was particularly toilsome, and rice demanded different
34
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rhythms of labor. In all of these colonies, however, the slave population grew until the
Caribbean colonies and South Carolina had an African majority. In most regions of the
South, colonies with slaves ultimately became slave colonies.
By the eighteenth century, race, status, and degree of freeness profoundly divided the
inhabitants of the southern colonies. As wealthy planters profited from the labor of a slave
population, they began to cultivate an ideal of paternalism that rested on the notion that
planters and slaves alike were knit into a world based on reciprocity and obligation. In the
growing slave quarters, a slave community was forged. Families were formed, children were
socialized, and the community attempted to temper the horrors of slavery. To be sure, only
a minority of white people owned slaves, but the nonslaveholding class too was influenced
by the institution. If their “white ” race gave them privilege, they were nonetheless expected
to defer to the colony’s slaveholding elite.
QUESTIONS TO THINK ABOUT
Historians have been deeply divided over the reasons why Africans became slaves
and Europeans were servants. One school of thought focuses on an inherent rac-
ism within English society that differentiated Africans from Europeans and justi-
fied the enslavement of the former. Another school argues that decisions were
made according to the price and availability of unfree laborers. Which makes
the most sense? How did the increasing complexity of the colonial South change
the relationships between rich and poor; black, red, and white; free and unfree?
DOCUMENTS
Document 1 reports on an Indian attack on English colonists in 1622 and argues
that the English now have a right to destroy their Indian adversaries. The life of
an English indentured servant could be difficult, as Document 2 indicates. In this
letter to his parents, Richard Frethorne recounts the trials of living in
seventeenth-century Virginia and pleads to return to England. In contrast, in
Document 3, George Alsop contends that the indentured servants enjoy good
fortune. You might wish to consider why these two accounts differ so much.
Document 4 is the “declaration in the name of the people” issued by Nathaniel
Bacon in 1676 that documents the misdeeds of Governor William Berkeley.
Note how Bacon condemns Berkeley for favoring the Indians over the English.
Document 5 is a selection of Virginia laws from 1660 to 1705 that illustrate the
ways in which the position of African slaves hardened when compared with that
of English servants. Document 6, the secret diary of William Byrd, a wealthy
slaveholder in Virginia, illustrates a strange blend of devotion to God and learn-
ing with cruelty to slaves. “Slaves Stringing and Rolling Tobacco” is illustrated
in Document 7. It shows African men, women, and children working hard in the
southern colonies. Document 8 is a 1757 narrative written by Olaudah Equiano
that describes the terror of enslavement in Africa, the journey to the West Indies,
and the bewilderment and cruelties faced by slaves.
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES IN BRITISH AMERICA 35
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1. Edward Waterhouse, a British Official, Recounts an Indian
Attack on Early Virginia Settlement, 1622
The houses generally set open to the Savages, who were always friendly entertained
at the tables of the English, and commonly lodged in their bed-chambers….
Yea, such was the treacherous dissimulation of that people who then had
contrived our destruction, that even two days before the massacre, some of our
men were guided through the woods by them in safety…. Yea, they borrowed
our own boats to convey themselves across the river (on the banks of both sides
whereof all our plantations were) to consult of the devilish murder that ensued,
and of our utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the means of some of
themselves converted to Christianity) prevented…. On Friday morning (the fatal
day) the 22 of March, as also in the evening, as in other days before, they came
unarmed into our houses, without bows or arrows, or other weapons, with deer,
turkey, fish, furs, and other provisions, to sell, and truck with us, for glass, beads,
and other trifles: yea in some places, sat down at breakfast with our people at
their tables…. And by this means that fatal Friday morning, there fell under the
bloody and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhumane people, contrary to
all laws of God and men, of nature and nations, 347 men, women, and children,
most by their own weapons; and not being content with taking away life alone,
they fell after again upon the dead, making as well as they could, a fresh murder,
defacing, dragging, and mangling the dead carkasses into many pieces, carrying
some parts away in derision….
Our hands which before were tied with gentleness and fair usage, are now set
at library by the treacherous violence of the savages … that we, who hitherto
have had possession of no more ground then their waste, and our purchase at a
valuable consideration to their own contentment, gained; may now by right of
war, and law of nations, invade the country, and destroy them who sought to destroy
us: whereby wee shall enjoy their cultivated places…. Now their cleared grounds in
all their villages (which are situate in the fruitfullest places of the land) shall be inhab-
ited by us, whereas heretofore the grubbing of woods was the greatest labor.
2. Indentured Servant Richard Frethorne Laments
His Condition in Virginia, 1623
Loving and kind father and mother, my most humble duty remembered to you
hoping in God of your good health, as I my self am at the making hereof, this is
to let you understand that I your Child am in a most heavy Case by reason of
the nature of the Country is such that it Causeth much sickness, as the scurvy
and the bloody flux [dysentery], and divers other diseases, which maketh the
body very poor, and Weak, and when we are sick there is nothing to Comfort
Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London, III (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1933), 550–551, 556–557.
Richard Frethorne to his mother and father, March–April, 1623, in The Records of the Virginia Company, ed. Susan M.
Kingsbury, IV (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 58–62.
36 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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us; for since I came out of the ship, I never ate any thing but peas and loblollie
(that is water gruel) as for deer or venison I never saw any since I came into this
land, there is indeed some fowl, but We are not allowed to go and get it, but
must Work hard both early and late for a mess of water gruel, and a mouthful of
bread, and beef, a mouthful of bread for a penny loaf must serve for 4 men
which is most pitiful if you did know as much as I, when people cry out day,
and night, Oh that they were in England without their limbs and would not care
to lose any limb to be in England again, yea though they beg from door to door,
for we live in fear of the Enemy every hour, yet we have had a Combat with
them on the Sunday before Shrovetide, and we took two alive, and make slaves
of them…. [W]e are fain to get other men to plant with us, and yet we are but
32 to fight against 3000 if they should Come, and the nighest help that We have
is ten miles of us, and when the rogues overcame this place last, they slew
80 persons. How then shall we doe for we lie even in their teeth, they may easily
take us but that God is merciful, and can save with few as well as with many; as
he showed to Gilead and like Gilead’s soldiers if they lapped water, we drink
water which is but Weak, and I have nothing to Comfort me, nor there is noth-
ing to be gotten here but sickness, and death, except that one had money to lay
out in some things for profit; But I have nothing at all, no not a shirt to my
backe, but two Rags nor no Clothes, but one poor suit, nor but one pair of
shoes, but one pair of stockings, but one Cap, but two bands, my Cloak is stolen
by one of my own fellows…. I am not half a quarter so strong as I was in
England, and all is for want of victuals, for I do protest unto you, that I have
eaten more in a day at home than I have allowed me here for a Week. You
have given more than my day’s allowance to a beggar at the door…. [I]f you
love me you will redeem me suddenly, for which I do entreat and beg, and if
you cannot get the merchants to redeem me for some little money then for
God’s sake get a gathering or entreat some good folks to lay out some little
sum of money, in meal, and Cheese and butter, and beef, any eating meat will
yield great profit, … and look whatsoever you send me be it never so much,
look what I make of it. I will deal truly with you. I will send it over, and beg
the profit to redeem me, and if I die before it Come I have entreated Goodman
Jackson to send you the worth of it, who hath promised he will. If you send you
must direct your letter to Goodman Jackson, at James Town, a Gunsmith….
Good Father do not forget me, but have mercy and pity my miserable Case.
I know if you did but see me you would weep to see me, for I have but one
suit, but it is a strange one, it is very well guarded, wherefore for God’s sake pity
me. I pray you to remember my love to all my friends, and kindred, I hope all my
Brothers and sisters are in good health, and as for my part I have set down
my resolution that certainly Will be, that is, that the Answer of this letter will
be life or death to me, there good Father send as soon as you can, and if you
send me any thing let this be the mark.
Richard Frethorne
Martin’s Hundred
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES IN BRITISH AMERICA 37
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3. George Alsop, a Resident of Maryland, Argues
That Servants in Maryland Profit from
Life in the Colonies, 1666
The necessariness of Servitude proved, with the common usage of Servants
in Mary-Land, together with their Priviledges.
… There is no truer Emblem of Confusion either in Monarchy or Domestick
Governments, then when either the Subject, or the Servant, strives for the upper
hand of his Prince, or Master, and to be equal with him, from whom he receives
his present subsistance: Why then, if Servitude be so necessary that no place can
be governed in order, nor people live without it, this may serve to tell those
which prick up their ears and bray against it, That they are none but Asses, and
deserve the Bridle of a strict commanding power to rein them in: For I’me cer-
tainly confident, that there are several Thousands in most Kingdoms of Christen-
dom, that could not at all live and subsist, unless they had served some prefixed
time, to learn either some Trade, Art, or Science, and by either of them to
extract their present livelihood.
Then methinks this may stop the mouths of those that will undiscreetly
compassionate them that dwell under necessary Servitudes….
… [L]et such, where Providence hath ordained to life as Servants, either in
England or beyond Sea, endure the pre-fixed yoak of their limited time with
patience, and then in a small computation of years, by an industrious endeavour,
they may become Masters and Mistresses of Families themselves. And let this be
spoke to the deserved praise of Mary-Land. That the four years I served there
were not to me so slavish, as a two years Servitude of a Handicraft Apprentice-
ship was here in London….
They whose abilities cannot extend to purchase their own transportation
over into Mary-Land, (and surely he that cannot command so small a sum
for so great a matter, his life must needs be mighty low and dejected) I say
they may for the debarment of a four years sordid liberty, go over into this
Province and there live plentiously well. And what’s a four years Servitude to
advantage a man all the remainder of his dayes, making his predecessors happy
in his sufficient abilities, which he attained to partly by the restrainment of so
small a time? …
The Merchant commonly before they go aboard the Ship, or set them-
selves in any forwardness for their Voyage, has Conditions of Agreements
drawn between him and those that by a voluntary consent become his Ser-
vants, to serve him, his Heirs or Assigns, according as they in their primitive
acquaintance have made their bargain, some two, some three, some four years;
and whatever the Master or Servant tyes himself up to here in England by
Condition, the Laws of the Province will force a performance of when they
come there: Yet here is this Priviledge in it when they arrive. If they dwell
George Alsop, “A Character of the Province of Maryland, 1666,” in Narratives of Early Maryland, ed. C. C. Hall (New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910; copyright renewed Barnes and Noble, 1946), 354 –360.
38 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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not with the Merchant they made their first agreement withall, they may
choose whom they will serve their prefixed time with; and after their curiosity
has pitcht on one whom they think fit for their turn, and that they may live
well withall, the Merchant makes an Assignment of the Indenture over to him
whom they of their free will have chosen to be their Master, in the same na-
ture as we here in England (and no otherwise) turn over Covenant Servants or
Apprentices from one Master to another. Then let those whose chaps are al-
ways breathing forth those filthy dregs of abusive exclamations, … against this
Country of Mary-Land, saying, That those which are transported over thither,
are sold in open Market for Slaves, and draw in Carts like Horses; which is so
damnable as untruth, that if they should search to the very Center of Hell, and
enquire for a Lye of the most antient and damned stamp, I confidently believe
they could not find one to parallel this: For know, That the Servants here in
Mary-Land of all Colonies, distant or remote Plantations, have the least cause
to complain, either for strictness of Servitude, want of Provisions, or need of
Apparel: Five dayes and a half in the Summer weeks is the alotted time that
they work in; and for two months, when the Sun predominates in the highest
pitch of his heat, they claim an antient and customary Priviledge, to repose
themselves three hours in the day within the house, and this is undeniably
granted to them that work in the Fields….
… He that lives in the nature of a Servant in this Province, must serve but
four years by the Custom of the Country; and when the expiration of his time
speaks him a Freeman, there’s a Law in the Province, that enjoyns his Master
whom he hath served to give him Fifty Acres of Land, Corn to serve him a
whole year, three Sutes of Apparel, with things necessary to them, and Tools
to work withall; so that they are no sooner free, but they are ready to set up
for themselves, and when once entered, they live passingly well.
The Women that go over into this Province as Servants, have the best luck
here as in any place of the world besides; for they are no sooner on shoar, but
they are courted into a Copulative Matrimony, which some of them (for aught I
know) had they not come to such a Market with their Virginity might have kept
it by them until it had been mouldy….
In short, touching the Servants of this Province, they live well in the time
of their Service, and by their restrainment in that time, they are made capable of
living much better when they come to be free; which in several other parts
of the world I have observed, That after some servants have brought their
indented and limited time to a just and legal period by Servitude, they have
been much more incapable of supporting themselves from sinking into the
Gulf of a slavish, poor, fettered, and intangled life, then all the fastness of their
pre-fixed time did involve them in before.
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES IN BRITISH AMERICA 39
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4. Nathaniel Bacon, Leader of a Rebellion, Recounts the
Misdeeds of the Virginia Governor, 1676
Declaration of Nathaniel Bacon in the Name of the People of Virginia,
July 30, 1676
1. For having, upon spacious pretences of public works, raised great unjust
taxes upon the commonalty for the advancement of private favorites
and other sinister ends, but no visible effects in any measure adequate;
for not having, during this long time of his government, in any measure
advanced this hopeful colony either by fortifications, towns, or trade.
2. For having abused and rendered contemptible the magistrates of justice
by advancing to places of judicature scandalous and ignorant favorites.
3. For having wronged his Majesty’s prerogative and interest by assuming
monopoly of the beaver trade and for having in it unjust gain betrayed
and sold his Majesty’s country and the lives of his loyal subjects to the
barbarous heathen.
4. For having protected, favored, and emboldened the Indians against his
Majesty’s loyal subjects, never contriving, requiring, or appointing any
due or proper means of satisfaction for their many invasions, robberies,
and murders committed upon us.
5. For having, when the army of English was just upon the track of those
Indians who now in all places burn, spoil, murder and when we might
with ease have destroyed them who then were in open hostility, for
then having expressly countermanded and sent back our army by pass-
ing his word for the peaceable demeanor of the said Indians, who im-
mediately prosecuted their evil intentions, committing horrid murders
and robberies in all places, being protected by the said engagement and
word past of him the said Sir William Berkeley, having ruined and laid
desolate a great part of his majesty’s country, and have now drawn
themselves into such obscure and remote places and are by their success
so emboldened and confirmed by their confederacy so strengthened that
the cries of blood are in all places, and the terror and consternation of
the people so great, are now become not only a difficult but a very for-
midable enemy who might at first with ease have been destroyed.
6. And lately, when, upon the loud outcries of blood, the assembly had,
with all care, raised and framed an army for the preventing of further
mischief and safeguard of this his Majesty’s colony.
7. For having, with only the privacy of some few favorites without
acquainting the people, only by the alteration of a figure, forged a com-
mission, by we know not what hand, not only without but even against
the consent of the people, for the raising and affecting civil war and
destruction, which being happily and without bloodshed prevented;
“Nathaniel Bacon Esq’r, His Manifesto Concerning the Present Troubles in Virginia, 1676,” Virginia Magazine of History
and Biography, 1 (1894): 55–61.
40 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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for having the second time attempted the same, thereby calling down our
forces from the defense of the frontiers and most weakly exposed places.
8. For the prevention of civil mischief and ruin amongst ourselves while
the barbarous enemy in all places did invade, murder, and spoil us, his
Majesty’s most faithful subjects.
Of this and the aforesaid articles we accuse Sir William Berkeley as guilty of
each and every one of the same, and as one who has traitorously attempted, vio-
lated, and injured his Majesty ’s interest here by a loss of a great part of this his
colony and many of his faithful loyal subjects by him betrayed and in a barbarous
and shameful manner exposed to the incursions and murder of the heathen. And
we do further declare these the ensuing persons in this list to have been his
wicked and pernicious councillors, confederates, aiders, and assisters against the
commonalty in these our civil commotions. [A list of names is given.]
And we do further demand that the said Sir William Berkeley with all the
persons in this list be forthwith delivered up or surrender themselves within four
days after the notice hereof, or otherwise we declare as follows.
That in whatsoever place, house, or ship, any of the said persons shall reside,
be hid, or protected, we declare the owners, masters, or inhabitants of the said
places to be confederates and traitors to the people and the estates of them is also
of all the aforesaid persons to be confiscated. And this we, the commons of
Virginia, do declare, desiring a firm union amongst ourselves that we may jointly
and with one accord defend ourselves against the common enemy. And let not
the faults of the guilty be the reproach of the innocent, or the faults or crimes of
the oppressors divide and separate us who have suffered by their oppressions.
These are, therefore, in his Majesty’s name, to command you forthwith to
seize the persons abovementioned as traitors to the King and country and them
to bring to Middle Plantation and there to secure them until further order, and,
in case of opposition, if you want any further assistance you are forthwith to
demand it in the name of the people in all the countries of Virginia.
Nathaniel Bacon
General by consent of the people.
5. Virginia’s Statutes Illustrate the Declining Status of African
American Slaves, 1660–1705
1660–1661, Act XXII.
English running away with negroes.
BEE itt enacted That in case any English servant shall run away in company
with any negroes who are incapable of makeing satisfaction by addition of time,
William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large: Being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session
of the Legislature, in the Year 1619, I, II, III, © 1823.
THE SOUTHERN COLONIES IN BRITISH AMERICA
41
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Bee itt enacted that the English so running away in company with them shall serve
for the time of the said negroes absence as they are to do for their owne by a
former act.
1662, Act XII.
Negro womens children to serve according to the condition of the mother.
WHEREAS some doubts have arrisen whether children got by any English-
man upon a negro woman should be slave or ffree, Be it therefore enacted and
declared by this present grand assembly, that all children borne in this country shalbe
held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother, And that if any
christian shall commit ffornication with a negro man or woman, hee or shee soe
offending shall pay double the ffines imposed by the former act.
1705, Chap. XLIX.
IV. And also be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted, That all
servants imported and brought into this country, by sea or land, who were not
christians in their native country, (expect Turks and Moors in amity with her
majesty, and others that can make due proof of their being free in England, or
any other christian country, before they were shipped, in order to transportation
hither) shall be accounted and be slaves, and as such be here bought and sold
notwithstanding a conversion to christianity afterwards….
VII. And also be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted, That
all masters and owners of servants, shall find and provide for their servants,
wholesome and competent diet, clothing, and lodging, by the discretion of the
county courts and shall not, at any time, give immoderate corrections neither
shall, at any time, whip a christian white naked, without an order from a justice
of the peace….
X. And be it also enacted, That all servants, whether, by importation, inden-
ture, or hire here, as well feme coverts, as others, shall, in like manner, as is pro-
vided, upon complaints of misusage, have their petitions received in court, for
their wages and freedom….
XI. And for a further christian care and usage of all christian servants, Be it
also enacted, by the authority aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted, That no negroes,
mulattos, or Indians, although christians, or Jews, Moors, Mahometans, or other
infidels, shall, at any time, purchase any christian servant, nor any other, except
of their own complexion, or such as are declared slaves by this act….
XV. And also be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted, That
no person whatsoever shall buy, sell, or receive of, to, or from, any servant, or
slave, any coin or commodity whatsoever, without the leave, licence, or consent
of the master or owner of the said servant, or slave….
XVII. And also be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted,
and declared, That in all cases of penal laws, whereby persons free are punishable
by fine, servants shall be punished by whipping, after the rate of twenty lashes for
every five hundred pounds of tobacco, or fifty shillings current money, unless the
servant so culpable, can and will procure some person or persons to pay the fine….
42 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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