Cobbs-Hoffman Elizabeth, Blum Edward J., Gjerde Jon. Major Problems in American History, Volume I, 3 edition (ENG)

called the Sons of Liberty was formed to resist British initiatives. Though the British ulti-

mately repealed the Stamp Act, they still felt the need to increase revenue from and control

over their American colonies. A series of additional acts, including the Townshend Acts

(1767), the Tea Act (1773), and the “Intolerable Acts” (1774), were passed, and the

colonial response continued to bewilder British officials. Legislation was followed by protest,

which often resulted in more legislation. Colonial rhetoric grew more shrill, and events like

the Boston Massacre in 1770, which followed the quartering of troops in Boston, and the

Boston Tea Party in 1773, which followed the Tea Act, only served to ratchet up the

tension between the mother country and its unruly colonies. By 1774, King George III

had concluded that “blows must decide.” When independence was declared in 1776, the

colonists had already engaged in battles with the British.

American leaders differed in their views of the reorganization of the empire. Many

focused on the ways their rights as English people were being ignored. If they had no direct

representation in Parliament, were not these efforts at direct taxation intolerable? If they

had no say in the levels of taxation, was not this patently unjust? Even more serious

was the argument that imperial policy wa s only part of a larger plot to deny the liberties

not only of colonists, but of all E nglish people .Fromthisperspective,theirprotestswere

attempts to restore t he constitution of English society before this conspiracy was put in

place. Although colonists looked backward to a time when the empire was operating properly,

they increasingly looked forward to the possibilities of an independent America. Many

Americans were taken with the idea that they could best control the “garden of the world”

that lay to the west.

QUESTIONS TO THINK ABOUT

The Revolution affected virtually everyone in American society. How did it al-

ter the lives of various groups—men and women; Indians and slaves; loyalists and

patriots—in different ways? Do the British measures leading up to the Revolu-

tion in retrospect look reasonable? If so, how can one explain the American re-

sponse to them? Would you characterize the Revolution as a conflict that looked

forward or backward?

DOCUMENTS

These documents illustrate how the American colonists moved toward indepen-

dence and offer questions about how radical the revolution was. Document 1 is

the Resolutions of the Stamp Act Congress, which was convened in 1765 and

which argued that no taxes could be imposed on the colonists without their con-

sent. A speech by Patrick Henry in 1775, document 2, provides an example of

the fiery rhetoric that flourished as the colonies neared their declaration of inde-

pendence. Document 3 is a selection from Thomas Paine’s powerful pamphlet

Common Sense. Published in 1776, it was among the most popular tracts advocat-

ing American independence and a republican system of government. The power

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 103

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and limits of revolution are shown in documents 4 and 7, which provide insights

from a woman and enslaved African Americans. In document 4, Abigail Adams

reminds her husband, John Adams, to “remember the ladies,” and John responds

by mocking her. Joseph Brant, in document 5, depicts the loyalty of many

Indians to the king of England. This loyalty, as Brant points out, hurt his Mohawk

nation because it brought them into further opposition with the rebelling colo-

nists. Document 6 is a poem from the war, encouraging the people to “[t]ake

up our arms and go with speed.” African Americans use revolutionary ideology

and biblical ideals to petition for liberty in document 7, and document 8 shows

George Washington’s concern about the state of his army and the need for its

adequate funding.

1. The Stamp Act Congress Condemns

the Stamp Act, 1765

The members of this Congress, sincerely devoted with the warmest sentiments

of affection and duty to His Majesty’s person and Go vernment, inviolably

attached to the present happy establishment of the Protestant succession, and

with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the present and impending

misfortunes of the British co lonies on thi s continent: having considered as

maturely as time will permit the circumstances of the said colonies esteem it our

indispensable duty to make the following declarations of our humbl e opinion

respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the

grievances under which they labour, by reason of several late Acts of Parliament.

I. That His Majesty’s subjects in these colonies owe the same aliegiance

to the Crown of Great Britain that is owing from his subjects born

within the realm, and all due subordination to that august body the

Parliament of Great Britain.

II. That His Majesty’s liege subjects in these colonies are intitled to all the

inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects within the

kingdom of Great Britain.

III. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people and the un-

doubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but

with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives.

IV. That the people of these colonies are not, and from their local circum-

stances cannot be, represented in the House of Commons in Great

Britain.

V. That the only representatives of the people of these colonies are per-

sons chosen therein by themselves and that no taxes ever have been, or

can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their legislatures.

VI. That all supplies to the Crown being free gifts of the people it is un-

reasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the British

“Resolutions,” October 19, 1765, in Collection of Interesting, Authentic Papers Relative to the Dispute Between Great Britain

and North America, ed. John Almon (London: 1777), 27.

104 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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Constitution, for the people of Great Britain to grant to His Majesty

the property of the colonists.

VII. That tr ial by jury is the inherent and invaluable righ t of every British

subject in these colonies.

VIII. That the late Act of Parliament, entitled An Act for granting and applying

certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the British colonies and plantations in

America, etc., by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these colonies;

and the said Act, and several other Acts, by extending the jurisdiction

of the courts of Admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest

tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists.

IX. That the duties imposed by several late Acts of Parliament, from the

peculiar circumstances of these colonies, will be extremely burthen-

some and grievous; and from t he scarcity of specie, t he payment of

them absolutely impracticable.

X. That as the profits of the trade of these colonies ultimately center in

GreatBritain,topayforthemanufactureswhichtheyareobligedto

take from thence, they eventually contribute very largely to all sup-

plies granted there to the Crown.

XI. That the restrictions imposed by several late Acts of Parliament on the

trade of these colonies will render them unable to purchase the man-

ufactures of Great Britain.

XII. That the increase, prosperity, and happiness of these colonies depend on

the full and free enjoyments of their rights and liberties, and an inter-

course with Great Britain mutually affectionate and advantageous.

XIII. That it is the right of the British subjects in the se colon ies to petition

the King or either House of Parliamen t.

Lastly, That it is the indispensable duty of these colonies to the best of

sovereigns, to the mother country, and to themselves, to endeavour by a loyal

and dutiful address to His Majesty, and humble applications to both Houses of

Parliament, to procure the repeal of the Act for granting and applying certain stamp

duties … and of the other late Acts for the restriction of American commerce.

2. Virginian Patrick Henry Warns the British

to Maintain American Liberties, 1775

Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is

now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated, we have suppli-

cated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its in-

terposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our

petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional

violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been

spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things,

may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation? There is no longer

Patrick Henry, “Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death” speech (1775).

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

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any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate

those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we

mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long

engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glo-

rious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat sir, we must

fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! …

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, “Peace,

Peace!”—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that

sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our

brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentle-

men wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be

purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know

not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me

death!

3. Pamphleteer Thomas Paine Advocates the

“Common Sense” of Independence, 1776

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments,

and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader,

than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his rea-

son and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put on, or rather

that he will not put off the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his

views beyond the present day….

… Now is the seed-time of continental union, faith and honor. The least

fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender

rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it

in full grown characters….

As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an

agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we

should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the

many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by

being connected with, and dependant on Great-Britain….

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her

former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is necessary to-

wards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be

more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a

child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the fires twenty

years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is

admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have

flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had

any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself,

are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the cus-

tom of Europe….

Thomas Paine, The Essential Thomas Paine (London: Penguin Books, 1986), 36–40, 43–45, 48–49, 54–57, 59.

106 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to

each other but through the parent country, i.e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys,

and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a

very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true

way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor

perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of

Great-Britain.

But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her

conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon

their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it hap-

pens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath

been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical

design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe,

and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been

the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part

of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother,

but from the cruelty of monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same

tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants

still….

… Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English

descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied

to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous….

… Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the

peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to

have America a free port. Her trade will always be a protection, and her barren-

ness of gold and silver secure her from invaders….

… It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions,

which she never can do, while by her dependance on Britain, she is made the

make-weight in the scale of British politics….

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to d o this

continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate,

to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power so distant

from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot

govern us….

Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for

kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in sup-

posing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath

nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and

America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is

evident they belong to different systems; England to Europe, America to itself….

… No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the

fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was made

known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever;

and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of

FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can

unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon

his soul.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 107

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But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I

answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.

First, The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he

will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath

shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst

for arbitrary power, is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies,

“You shall make no laws but what I please.” And is there any inhabitant in America

so ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the present constitu-

tion, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is

there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he

will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit his purpose. We may be as

effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America as by submitting to laws

made for us in England….

But where, says some, is the King of America? I’ll tell you. Friend, he reigns

above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain.

Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day

be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed

on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which

the world may know, that so far we approve of monarchy, that in America

THE

LAW IS KING

….

Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she will

protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our

harbours for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which

hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others the most improper to defend

us….

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the

fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of

being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter ap-

plied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support

of government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage at this….

As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government, to

protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other business

which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside that narrowness

of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are so

unwilling to part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that head.

Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For

myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that

there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a large field

for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious

dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I

look on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same

family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names….

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other

steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time become familiar and

agreeable; and, until an independence is declared, the Continent will feel itself

like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day,

108 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually

haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

4. Abigail and John Adams Debate Women’s Rights, 1776

Braintree March 31 1 776

I wish you would ever write me a Letter half as long as I write you; and tell me

if you may where your Fleet are gone? What sort of Defence Virginia can make

against our common Enemy? Whether it is so situated as to make an able

Defence? Are not the Gentery Lords and the common people vassals, are they

not like the uncivilized Natives Brittain represents us to be? I hope their Riffel

Men who have shewen themselves very savage and even Blood thirsty; are not a

specimen of the Generality of the people….

I have sometimes been ready to think that the passion for Liberty cannot be

Eaquelly Strong in the Breasts of those who have been accustomed to deprive

their fellow Creatures of theirs. Of this I am certain that it is not founded upon

that generous and christian principal of doing to others as we would that others

should do unto us….

The Town in General is left in a better state than we expected, more owe-

ing to a precipitate flight than any Regard to the inhabitants, tho some indivi-

duals discovered a sense of honour and justice and have left the rent of the

Houses in which they were, for the owners and the furniture unhurt, or if dam-

aged sufficent to make it good.

Others have committed abominable Ravages. The Mansion House of your

President is safe and the furniture unhurt whilst both the House and Furniture of

the Solisiter General have fallen a prey to their own merciless party….

I feel very differently at the approach of spring to what I did a month ago.

We knew not then whether we could plant or sow with safety, whether when

we had toild we could reap the fruits of our own industery, whether we could

rest in our own Cottages, or whether we should not be driven from the sea

coasts to seek shelter in the wilderness, but now we feel as if we might sit under

our own vine and eat the good of the land….

… I long to hear that you have declared in independancy—and by the way

in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I

desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable

to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of

the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If perticuliar

care and attention is not paid to the Laidies we are determined to foment a Re-

belion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no

voice, or Representation.

Source: Charles Frances Adams, ed., Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams (1875).

Adams Family Correspondence, I (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), 369–370.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

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That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established

as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up

the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why

then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with

cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those cus-

toms which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings

placed by providence under your protection and in immitation of the Supreem

Being make use of that power only for our happiness.

As to your extraordinary code of laws, I cannot but laugh. We have been

told that our struggle has loosened the bonds of government everywhere; that

children and apprentices were disobedient; that schools and colleges were grown

turbulent; that Indians slighted their guardians, and negroes grew insolent to

their masters. But your letter was the first intimation that another tribe, more

numerous and powerful than all the rest, were grown discontented. This is rather

too coarse a Compliment but you are so saucy, I won’t blot it out.

John Adams Responds

Depend upon it, we know better than to repeal our masculine systems. Although

they are in full force, you know they are little more than theory. We dare not

exert our power in its full latitude. We are obliged to go fair and softly, and, in

practice, you know we are the subjects. We have only the name of masters, and

rather than give up this, which would completely subject us to the despotism of

the petticoat, I hope General Washington and all our brave heroes would fight; I

am sure every good politician would plot, as long as he would against despotism,

empire, monarchy, aristocracy, oligarchy, or ochlocracy.

5. A Song to Inspire Revolution, 1776

WAR SONG.

H

ARK, hark the sound of war is heard,

And we must all attend;

Take up our arms and go with speed,

Our country to defend.

Our parent state has turned our foe,

Which fills our land with pain;

Her gallant ships, manned out for war,

Come thundering o’er the main.

There’s Carleton, Howe, and Clinton too.

And many thousands more,

Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution (1905), 94–96.

110 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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May cross the sea, but all in vain,

Our rights we’ll ne’er give o’er.

Our pleasant homes they do invade,

Our property devour;

And all because we won’t submit

To their despotic power.

Then let us go against our foe,

We’d better die than yield;

We and our sons are all undone,

If Britain wins the field.

Tories may dream of future joys,

But I am bold to say,

They’ll find themselves bound fast in chains,

If Britain wins the day.

Husbands must leave their loving wives,

And sprightly youths attend,

Leave their sweethearts and risk their lives,

Their country to defend.

May they be heroes in the field,

Have heroes’ fame in store;

We pray the Lord to be their shield,

Where thundering cannons roar.

6. Mohawk Leader Joseph Brant Commits

the Loyalty of His People to Britain, 1776

Brother Gorah [British Secretary of State Lord Germain]:

We have cross’d the great Lake and come to this kingdom with our Superinten-

dant Col. Johnson from our Confederacy the Six Nations and their Allies, that

we might see our Father the Great King, and joyn in informing him, his Coun-

cillors and wise men, of the good intentions of the Indians our bretheren, and of

their attachment to His Majesty and his Government.

Brother: The Disturbances in America give great trouble to all our Nations,

as many strange stories have been told to us by the people in that country. The

Six Nations who alwayes loved the King, sent a number of their Chiefs and

Warriors with their Superintendant to Canada last summer, where they engaged

E. B. O’Callaghan, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York , VIII (Albany, N.Y.: Weed,

Parsons, 1853–1887), 670–671.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

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their allies to joyn with them in the defence of that country, and when it was

invaded by the New England people, they alone defeated them.

Brother: In that engagement we had several of our best Warriors killed and

wounded, and the Indians think it very hard they should have been so deceived

by the White people in that country, the enemy returning in great numbers, and

no White people supporting the Indians, they were oblidged to retire to their

vilages and sit still. We now Brother hope to see these bad children chastised,

and that we may be enabled to tell the Indians, who have always been faithfull

and ready to assist the King, what His Majesty intends.

Brother: The Mohocks our particu lar Nation, have on all occasio ns shewn

their zeal and loyalty to the Great King; yet they have been very badly treated by

his people in that country, the City of Albany laying an unjust claim to the lands on

which our Lower Castle is built….Wehavebeenoftenassuredbyourlategreat

friend Sr William Johnson who never deceived us, and we know he was told so

that the King and wise men here would do us justice; but this notwithstanding all

our applications has never been done, and it makes us very uneasie….Wehave

only therefore to request that his Majesty will attend to this matter: it troubles our

Nation & they cannot sleep easie in their beds. Indeed it is very hard when we

have let the Kings subjects have so much of our lands for so little value, they should

want to cheat us in this manner of the small spots we have left for our women and

children to live on. We are tired out in making complaints & getting no redress.

We therefore hope that the Assurances now given us by the Superintendant may

take place, and that he may have it in his power to procure us justice.

Brother: We shall truly report all that we hear from you, to the Six Nations at

our return. We are well informed there has been many Indians in this Country who

came without any authority, from their own, and gave much trouble. We desire

Brother to tell you this is not our case. We are warriors known to all the Nations,

and are now here by approbation of many of them, whose sentiments we speak.

Brother: We hope these things will be considered and that the King or his

great men will give us such an answer as will make our hearts light and glad before

we go, and strengthen our hands, so that we may joyn our Superintendant Col.

Johnson in giving satisfaction to all our Nations, when we report to them, on our

return; for which purpose we hope soon to be accomodated with a passage.

Dictated by the Indians and taken down by

Jo: CHEW, Secy

7. African Americans Petition for Freedom, 1777

To the Honorable Counsel & House of [Representa]tives for the State of Mas-

sachusitte Bay in General Court assembled, Jan. 13, 1777.

The petition of A Great Number of Blackes detained in a State of slavery in

the Bowels of a free & Christian Country Humbly shuwith that your Petitioners

Donald McQuade et al., eds., The Harper American Literature, 2nd ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1990).

112 MAJOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN HISTORY

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Cobbs-Hoffman Elizabeth, Blum Edward J., Gjerde Jon. Major Problems in American History, Volume I, 3 edition (ENG)

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