
Editor’s Introduction
xviii
many of his contemporaries who worked exclusively on the pre - modern
history of India. He refused to accept the prevailing convention ‘ that the
medieval past was “ made ” by the prescriptive force of depersonalized systems
of “ civilization ” , “ culture ” and religious belief ’ . Instead Stein was insistent
that it should be shown, as has more commonly been the case with modern
history, as being formed ‘ by self - conscious people themselves, through their
interactions fi rst with nature and then with each other ’ .
Paradoxically perhaps for someone who delved so deeply into India ’ s medi-
eval and early modern age, Stein was as passionately interested in the present
as in the past. For him the fundamental and recurring question was ‘ when, why
and how did a particular version of the modern state and a particular version
of capitalism become established in south Asia? ’ In this search for the underly-
ing essence of Indian society Stein turned not to the history of India ’ s sporadic
and fl eeting empires, nor, despite his early interest in ‘ merchant guilds ’ , did he
turn, as many India - based historians have done before and since, to those
systems of trade that bound India into oceanic trade and continent - wide com-
merce. Little taken with imperial grandeur, Stein was drawn instinctively (in
common, it should be said, with many other historians, anthropologists and
political scientists of the 1960s and 1970s) to the importance of the everyday
and the local. Even his study of Munro is more about the pragmatics of direct
colonial engagement with the Indian countryside than with grand imperial
narratives or Western philosophizing over empire. He looked instead to the
small - scale and immediate – the nature and role of peasant communities,
structures of legitimacy based upon kinship and ritual, the function of temples
within local systems of wealth, power and infl uence, and the socially and envi-
ronmentally distinctive subregions (or nadus ) within which peasant society in
the Tamil - speaking south primarily operated. The foundational importance of
this local understanding of India remained central not just to his earlier works
on peasant society but to Stein ’ s History of India as well.
Commenting on Stein ’ s work from an anthropological perspective, Chris-
topher Fuller has remarked how Stein, despite advising students against
becoming ‘ retrospective anthropologists ’ , nevertheless saw anthropology, like
economics, as an important stimulus to thinking differently about history and
the terms, categories and concepts historians employed. Stein ’ s own work on
south India drew extensively on anthropology, not least because, as Fuller
puts it, his model of the south Indian state ‘ depended on an analysis of local
society (hence of caste, kinship, village economy and politics) and of religion
and ritual symbolism ’ . If anthropology gave Stein, no stranger to controversy,
the means by which to attack the errant views of other historians, he was also
‘ much more critically aware than most scholars of the pitfalls of interdiscipli-
nary work ’ . Even so, Fuller suggests, Stein ’ s interest in anthropology was on
the wane by the time he wrote his History , and while he owed much to anthro-
pology, he remained ‘ fully a historian ’ .
The principal example of Stein ’ s borrowing from anthropology was the
concept of the ‘ segmentary state ’ which he had adopted by the 1970s from
the British anthropologist Aidan Southall and his 1956 study of Alur Society
in Uganda, and this remained an infl uential – one might say defi antly infl u-