Boyle J.A. The Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 5: The Saljuq and Mongol Periods

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THE

IRANIAN WORLD (A.D. IOOO-I217)

Shi'ism

on Ruyan and Rustamdar

that

most of the population

there

adopted

that

faith.

Between

Tabaristan in the east and Azarbaijan and Mughan in the

west

lay Gilan and Dailam. Strictly speaking, Gilan was the coastal

plain and Dailam the mountainous interior through which ran the

Safid

Rud and Shah Rud, but up to the 5th/nth century the Muslims

applied the term Dailam to the whole region. Islam was late in coming

here; the Dailami mountaineers were notorious for their depredations

in the settled lands to the south of the Alburz, and Qazvin was long

regarded as a tha

ghr against these infidels. In the early

part

of the 3rd/

9th century

Dailam

was

a centre

for

Alid

propaganda, and the

local

people

were gradually won over to Shi'ism. Here then is why the majority of

Dailami

dynasties in the 4th/ioth and 5th/nth centuries were Shi'i.

The

4th/ioth century was the period of the Dailamis' greatest

expansion; in the next century they tended to

give

way in

Iran

Turkish dynasties such as the Ghaznavids and Saljuqs. The oldest of

the Dailami dynasties was

that

of the Justanids, who ruled at Rudbar.

Some

seven or eight members of the family are known, the first of

whom

was mentioned in 189/805 when the Caliph Harun al-Rashid

received

at Ray the submission of "the lord of Dailam". But the

dynasty declined as their rivals of the Kangarid or Musafirid family

grew

more powerful in Dailam. The last

Justanid

ruler definitely

known was defeated by the Dailami general

Asfar

b. Shiruya (d.

319/

931).

However, the dynasty may have survived much longer

than

this,

for

in 434/1042-3 Toghril Beg received at Qazvin the submission of

the

"King

of Dailam", and Kasravi has surmised

that

this was a

surviving

member of the Justanids. Less certain is a mention by the

Persian traveller Nasir-i Khusrau, who passed through the region in

437/1046;

he spoke of "the Amir of

Amirs,

who is from the Kings of

Dailam",

but this may refer to one of the Musafirids.

The

Musafirids or Sallarids were originally and more correctly called

Kangarids.

They arose in Dailam in the early years of the 4th/ioth

Rabino

Borgomale,

J.A.

(1936),

pp.

443-74;

idem, J.A.

(1943-5),

pp. 221-2;

Nikitine,

"Badusbanids",

Encyc. of Islam (2nd ed.).

Dailam

and the

Dailamis,

see

Ahmad

Kasravi, Shahriydrdn-i gum-ndm, vol. 1,

pp. 2-20;

Minorsky,

La Domination des Dailamites, pp. 1-5; idem,

"Daylam",

Encyc. of

Islam (2nd ed.).

Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil, vol. ix, p. 348;

Nasir-i

Khusrau,

Safar-Ndma, p. 5. On the

dynasty

general,

see Kasravi, Shahriydrdn, vol. 1, pp.

22-34;

Rabino

Borgomale,

"Les

Dynasties

Locales

du Gilan et du

Daylam",

J.A. pp.

308-9.

Cf. Kasravi, op. cit. pp. 36-7, on the

name

this

dynasty.

WESTERN AND CENTRAL IRAN

century through the efforts of Muhammad b. Musafir, who was allied

marriage to the older dynasty of the Justanids, and whose power

grew

at the latter's expense. A contemporary

Buyid

source says

that

it was this marriage connexion plus the acquisition of the fortress of

Samiran in the region of Tarum which established the Musafirids'

fortunes.

Samiran was then one of the key fortresses of Dailam, just

as Alamut was to be in Saljuq times, and several Islamic travellers and

geographers described its wonders.

After

the deposition of Muham-

mad b. Musafir in 330/941,

there

were two lines of Musafirids. One

remained in the ancestral centre of Tarum; the other expanded

north-

wards and westwards into Azarbaijan, Arran, and eastern Trans-

caucasia. This branch pushed as far as Darband on the Caspian coast,

but its power was eventually destroyed by the Rawwadids. The Tarum

branch lost Samiran to the

Buyid

Fakhr al-Daula in 379/989, but they

recovered it on

that

ruler's death, and in the period of his son Majd

al-Daula's minority, the Musafirids pressed southwards to Zanjan,

Abhar,

Suhravard, and Sarchahan.

The ensuing decades of Musafirid

history are very dark, but the dynasty was directly threatened when in

420/1029 Mahmud of Ghazna seized Ray (see p. 12 above). Against

the Musafirid Ibrahim b. Marzban the sultan sent a " descendant of the

Kings

of Dailam", probably a

Justanid,

and then Mas'ud b. Mahmud

came in person and captured Ibrahim. Although a Ghaznavid garrison

was

left in Tarum, by 427/1036 it was again in Musafirid hands.

The

early Saljuqs did not try to establish direct rule in Dailam, but were

content to exact tribute; then in 434/1042-3 Toghril came west-

wards, retrieved Ray from the hands of his half-brother Ibrahim

Inal, and gained submission from "the Salar of Tarum" on the basis

200,000

dinars' tribute. Nasir-i Khusrau speaks with admiration

Samiran and of the security and justice prevailing in the lands of

the "Marzban al-Dailam, Jil-i Jilan, Abu Salih

[Justan

b. Ibrahim],

Maula

Amir al-Mu'minin". In 454/1062, shortly before his death,

Toghril

went to Samiran and again took

tribute

from the local ruler

Musafir.

After

this the sources are quite silent about the dynasty, and

it is

likely

that

the line was extinguished when, as the geographer

Letter

of Abu *Ali

al-Hasan

Ahmad

to the

$ahib

Ibn 'Abbad, in Yaqiit, Mu'jam

al-Bulddn

vol. in, pp.

256-7,

s.v

"Samiran".

Yaqiit, loc. cit.; Ibn

al-Athir,

vol. ix, pp.

262-3>

Miinejjim

Bashi,

Minorsky,

Studies

Caucasian

History, p. 165.

Baihaqi,

Tdrikh-i Mas'udi, pp. 16, 18, 49, 218; Ibn

al-Athir,

al-Kdmil, vol. ix, pp.

262-3,

3°4»

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp.

165-6.

THE IRANIAN WORLD (A.D.

IOOO-1217)

Yàqût

relates, the Ismâ'ïlïs of Alamùt destroyed the fortress of

Samïrân.

The

Rawwâdids (latterly the form "Rawâd" is commoner in the

sources) were another product of the upsurge of the mountain peoples

northern

Iran;

their domain was Âzarbâïjân, and particularly

Tabriz.

Strictly speaking, the Rawwâdid family was of

Azdï

Arab

origin, but by the 4th/ioth century they were accounted Kurdish. At

the opening of the 'Abbâsid period Rawwâd b. Muthannâ had held a

fief

which

included Tabriz. Over the course of the next two centuries

his descendants became thoroughly Kurdicized, and the "Rawwâdï

Kurds"

emerged with Iranian names, although the local poet Qatrân

(d. c. 465/1072) still praised them for their Arab ancestry. Early in the

4th/ioth century the Sâjid line of Arab governors in Âzarbâïjân

collapsed,

and the region became politically and socially disturbed. A

branch of the Musâfirids of Târum first emerged there, but despite

yid help the Musâfirid Ibrahim b. Marzbân was deposed in c. 370/

o',o-i,

probably by the Rawwâdid Abu'l-Haijâ' Husain b. Muhammad

(344-78/955-88); certainly it was the Rawwâdids who succeeded to all

the Musâfirid heritage in Âzarbâïjân.

The

most prominent member of the dynasty in the

5th/nth

century

was

Vahsûdân b. Mamlân b.

Abi'1-Haijâ'

(c. 410-46/*;.

1019-54).

It was

in his reign

that

the Oghuz invaded Âzarbâïjân. These were some of

the first Turkmen to come westwards, being the so-called "

Iraqis",

or followers of Arslan Isrâ'ïl, expelled from Khurâsân by Mahmûd of

Ghazna (see pp. 38 and 40-1). Vahsûdân received them favourably in

419/1028,

hoping to use them as auxiliaries against his many enemies,

such as the Christian Armenians and Georgians and the rival Muslim

dynasty of Shaddâdids. He even married the daughter of an Oghuz

chief, but it still proved impossible to use the anarchic nomads as a

reliable military force. In 429/1037 they plundered

Marâgheh and

Nâsir-i

Khusrau, p.

;

Ibn al-Athir, vol. ix, p. 348, vol. x, p.

;

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, p. 166; and Cahen, "L'Iran du

Nord-Ouest

face

l'expansion

Seldjukide,

d'après

une

source

inédite",

Mélanges

d'Orientalisme

Offerts à Henri

Massé

(Tehran,

1963),

pp. 65-71.

On the

dynasty

general,

see Huart, "Les

Mosâfirides

de l'Adherbaïdjân", Essays to E. G.

Browne,

pp.

228-56;

E. D.

Ross,

"On Three

Muhammadan

Dynasties

Northern

Persia

in the

Tenth

and

Eleventh

Centuries",

Asia Major, pp. 213-15; Kasravï, Shahriyârân,

vol. 1, pp.

36-49;

Minorsky,

"Musâfirids",

Encyc. oj Islam

(isted.);

and idem,

Caucasian

History, pp.

158-66

( = the

section

from

the

Ottoman

historian

Mùnejjim

Bashï's

Jâmi'

al-duwal

this

dynasty).

Kasravï, op. cit. vol. 11, pp.

163-4,

176; Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp.

162-4.

the

dynasty

general,

see Kasravï, vol.

11,

pp.

160-225

Minorsky, "Tabriz" and "Marâ-

gha", Encyc. of Islam (1st ed.).

WESTERN AND CENTRAL IRAN

massacred large numbers of Hadhbânï Kurds.

Vahsûdân allied with

his nephew, the

chief

of the Hadhbânis, Abu'l-Haijâ' b. Rahib al-Daula,

against the Turkmen; many of them now migrated southwards to-

wards

Iraq,

and in

2/1040-1

Vahsûdân devised a stratagem by which

several

of the remaining leaders were killed. The rest of the Oghuz in

Âzarbâïjân

then fled to the territory of the Hakkârï Kurds south-west

Lake Vân. Vahsûdân's capital, Tabriz, was destroyed by an earth-

quake in 434/1042, and fearing

that

the Saljuqs would take advantage

his resulting weakness, he moved to one of his fortresses

;

but the city

was

soon rebuilt, and Nâsir-i Khusrau found it populous and flourishing.

Despite Vahsûdân's apprehension, a considerable time elapsed before

the Saljuqs themselves moved against Âzarbâijân. Meanwhile the main

threats

came from independent Turkmen bands who passed con-

tinuously through the province towards Armenia and the Caucasus;

it was in 437/1045

that

Qubâdh b.

Yazid,

ruler of Shir

van

in the eastern

Caucasus,

was forced to build a defensive

wall

round his capital

Yazidiyya.

In 446/1054 Toghril at last resolved to bring Âzarbâïjân

and Arrân under his

sway.

Vahsûdân, making no attempts at opposi-

tion, handed over his son as a hostage. The sultan then passed to the

Shaddâdid capital of Ganja and also received the homage of other

minor rulers of eastern Transcaucasia before pressing westwards into

Anatolia

as far as Malâzgird and Erzerum.

In 450/1058 the eldest of Vahsûdân's sons, Mamlân, was confirmed

Toghril in his father's territories, but the last days of the dynasty

are obscure, as indeed is most of the history of Âzarbâïjân at this time.

The

Ottoman historian Mûnejjim Bashï (d.

1113/1702),

whose vast

historical compilation incorporates some ancient and otherwise lost

sources for the history of north-western

Iran

and the Caucasus region,

says

that

the Rawwâdids came to an end in 463/1070-1 when Alp-

Arslan

returned from his Anatolian campaign (see pp. 63-4 below)

and deposed Mamlân. However, one later member of the family is

known:

Ahmadil b. Ibrâhïm b. Vahsûdân held Marâgheh and took

part

in the Crusading warfare in Syria, and the name Ahmadil was

perpetuated by the line of his own Turkish ghulâms, who began to

According

to the

7th/13th-century

biographer

Ibn

Khallikân,

the Ayyübid

Sultan

Saladin

came

from

this

tribe

of Kurds; cf.

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp. 124-5,

128-9.

Nâsir-i

Khusrau,

Safar-Nâma, p. 6; Ibn

al-Athir,

al-Kámil, vol. ix, pp.

269-72,

351;

Kasravï,

Shahriyârân, vol. 11, pp.

174-209.

On the

dynasty

of the

Shïrvân-Shàhs,

see p. 35

below.

Ibn

al-Athir,

vol. ix, pp. 410-11;

Kasravï,

op. cit. pp. 211-14;

Minorsky,

A History

Sharvân and Darband

the ioth-nth

Centuries,

pp. 33, 65-6.

3 33

BCH

THE

IRANIAN WORLD (A.D. IOOO-I217)

rule at Maragheh after his death in

510/1116.

(For these Ahmadilis see

below,

pp. 170-1

The

Shaddadids of Arran and Dvin (c. 340-468/951-1075) were

almost certainly Kurds, as Munejjim Bashi suggests. They arose from

a Kurdish adventurer called Muhammad b. Shaddad, who established

himself

in Dvin in the middle of the 4th/ioth century, the town being

held at

that

time by the Musafirids. The ethnic origins of the family

are complicated because its members frequently adopted Dailami

names, such as Lashkari and Marzban, and even the Armenian one of

Ashot;

but their basic Kurdishness seems very likely, and the variety

their onomasticon is doubtless a reflexion of the confused ethnic

and political condition of the region.

Muhammad b. Shaddad could

not hold on to Dvin, but in 360/971 his sons Lashkari and Fadl dis-

placed the Musafirids by agreement with the notables of Ganja. Fadl

eventually secured power in Arran and reigned

there

for close to half

a century (375-422/986-1031). Armenian sources stress his violence

and military vigour: he recovered Dvin, fought the Georgian Bagratids

and the Armenian rulers of Ani, Alvank' (Albania), and Tashir, and

he subdued the Hungarian Sevordik' in the upper Kur valley. His

construction of a fine bridge over the Araxes in 421/1030 points

towards ambitions against the Rawwadids in Azarbaijan. FadPs son

and grandson had to cope with attacks from the Georgians, from other

Caucasian

mountaineers such as the Alans or Ossetes, from the

Russians, and the Rawwadid Vahsudan b. Mamlan. In about the year

440/1048-9

there

was a Byzantine invasion under the eunuch Nice-

phorus, aimed principally at the Shaddadid branch in Dvin. Ominous,

too,

was the appearance of the Oghuz, from whom the Rawwadids

south of the Araxes suffered severely. The historians al-

Azimi and

Ibn Duqmaq record an attack by Qutlumush b. Arslan Isra'Il on

Ganja

in 438/1046-7, and

there

may have been other incursions which

have not been noted in the chronicles.

The

Shaddadids reached their zenith under Abu'l-Asvar Shavur b.

Fadl,

who ruled in Dvin from 413/1022 to 441/1049 and then in Ganja

till

459/1067. The Byzantines' devastation of the Dvin area probably

Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil, vol. ix, p. 448, vol. x, p. 361; Kasravi, Sbahriydrdn, vol. 11,

pp. 214-16;

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp. 167-9.

Minorsky,

ibid. pp. 5, 33-5. On the

dynasty

general,

see

Ross,

"Banu

Shaddad",

Encyc.

Islam (1st ed.); idem, Asia Major

(1925),

pp. 213-19; Kasravi,

Sbahriydrdn,

vol. in,

pp.

264-313;

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp. 1-77.

Kasravi, op. cit. vol. n, pp.

203-4,

vol. in, pp.

274-8;

Minorsky,

op. cit. pp. 16-17,

40-9,

54-64;

and Cahen,

"Qutlumush

et ses

Fils

avant

PAsie

Mineure",

Der Islam, p. 20.

WESTERN AND CENTRAL IRAN

3-2

influenced his decision to leave Dvin, where he had faced Armenian

princes on his west and south. In 434/1042-3 or 435/1043-4, at the

instigation of the Byzantine emperor, Abu'l-Asvar invaded the

principality of Ani and thereby acquired a great contemporary reputa-

tion as a "warrior for the faith", praised for his courage and sagacity

the Ziyarid Kai-Ka'us b. Iskandar, who fought with him as a

ghazi

against the Christians. Abu'l-Asvar submitted to Toghril in

446/1054-5,

and towards the end of his life he was associated with

Turkmen expansion into Armenia and Anatolia; in 457/1065 he be-

came governor of Ani, which had been captured from the Christians

in the previous year.

Before

that

he had been involved with his neigh-

bours the Shirvan-Shahs. In the latter half of the

2nd/8th

century the

Arab

family of the Yazldids had governed Arran for the 'Abbasids.

During the ensuing decades they were pushed northwards by Dailami

pressure, becoming completely Iranian in their way of

life,

and though

they acquired close marriage connexions with the Shaddadids, these

did not prevent

Abu'l-Asvar

from invading the territories

his nephew

the Shirvan-Shah Fariburz b. Sallar (455-after 487/1063-after 1094)

on four separate occasions during these years.

In the end, the extension of Saljuq power into this north-western

region, under the leadership of Alp-Arslan and his ghulam com-

mander 'Imad al-Din Sav-Tegin (? Shad-Tegin), proved fatal to the

Shaddadids. Abu'l-Asvar's son Fadl II was captured by the Georgians,

and the Shirvan-Shah invaded Arran. An army under Sav-Tegin

passed through Arran in 460/1068, and seeing internal dissensions

within the Shaddadid family, the sultan allotted fiefs in Darband and

Arran to his general. Sav-Tegin once more appeared with an army,

this time in 468/1075, and Fadl III b. Fadl II was obliged to yield his

ancestral territories. This ended the main line of the Shaddadids,

though the members of a junior branch, descended from

Abu'l-Asvar's

son Manuchihr, became governors on behalf of the Saljuqs in Ani,

and the family can be traced

there

till the Georgians recaptured the

town in

556/1161.

Qdbus-Ndma, pp. 24-5

(Levy

tr., pp.

35-7);

Ibn

al-Athir,

al-Kamil, vol. ix, p. 411;

Kasravi,

Shahriydrdn, vol. in, pp.

292-304;

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp.

19-22,

50-6,

The

Yazldids

originated

with

one Yazid b. Mazyad, but the

designation

Mazyadid

for

this

dynasty

best

avoided,

since

it is

likely

cause

confusion

with

the

Mazyadids

Hilla.

Ibid. pp. 20-1, 74-5; idem, A History of Sharvdn and Darband ( = an

anonymous

Ta'rikh

Bdb al-Abwdb

preserved

Miinejjim

Bashi),

pp. 34-5,

56-65.

Kasravi,

op. cit. vol. in, pp.

304-12;

Minorsky,

Caucasian

History, pp. 23-5. On the

Shaddadids

of Ani, see

Kasravi,

vol. in, pp.

316-27,

and

Minorsky,

op. cit. pp.

79-106.

THE

IRANIAN

WORLD

(A.D.

IOOO-I217)

have noted

that

on the eve of the Saljuq invasions, the western

and central

parts

of the country were in the last phase of the Dailami

ascendancy in

Iran:

indeed the principal Dailami dynasty,

that

of the

Buyids,

was already in a

state

of confusion and decay when Toghril

moved

westwards from Khurasan. The Buyids had brought with

them from their Caspian homeland a patrimonial conception of power

in which each member of the dynasty acquired a share of territory and

power; from the very

start

there

had been

three

Buyid principalities

Iran.

Moreover, since the Buyids came to rule over such scattered

provinces as the Iranian ones of Jibal, Fars, Khuzistan, and Kirman,

and the Arab ones of

Iraq

and even Oman, the lack of geographical

cohesion in their empire undoubtedly favoured the dispersal of

political

power among several members of the family. In the middle

decades of the 4th/ioth century the Buyids were held together by

family

solidarity, which was furthered by the energy and capability of

such amirs as the original

three

sons of

AH b.

Buya

and those of the

next generation, including 'Adud al-Daula Fana-Khusrau (d. 372/983)

and Fakhr al-Daula 'AH (d. 387/997). But

Adud al-Daula made plans

to perpetuate after his own death the unified rule which he had

achieved

in his lifetime, and the family henceforth became fragmented

and divided against itself. Militarily the Buyids at first depended for

infantrymen on their

fellow

Dailamis, supplemented by Turkish

cavalrymen;

but in the 5th/nth century the recruitment of Dailami

soldiers seems to have dwindled (the reasons for this are unclear) and the

amirs became almost wholly dependent on Turkish mercenaries, over

whom

they frequently lost control.

the religious plane the Buyids'

tenure

of power was definitely

favourable to the consolidation of

Alid

and

Twelve

Shi'I organization

and doctrine, but with the rise of the Turkish d) .asties in eastern

Iran,

intellectual as

well

as political

trends

were no longer so clearly

helpful for the Buyids. Political Shrism was clearly failing to gain

power

in the eastern Islamic world, and even the successes of the

Nizari

Isma'Ilis were to be fairly limited geographically. In addition,

the caliphate of al-Qa'im

(422-67/1031-75)

witnessed a certain revival

'Abbasid power, at least in

Iraq;

here in 437/1045-6, after a century

in which the caliphs had been politically impotent under Buyid control,

Cf.

Bosworth,

"Military

organisation

under

the

Buyids

Persia

and

Iraq",

Oriens,

vol.

XVIII

(1968).

There

exists

special

monograph

on the

Buyids,

but a

valuable

pro-

visional

survey

given

by C.

Cahen

in his

"Buwayhids",

Encyc. of Islam (2nd ed.).

WESTERN

AND

CENTRAL IRAN

al-Qa'im

appointed

forceful, strongly Sunni vizier,

the

Ra'is

al-

Ru'asa' Abu'l-Qasim

Ibn

al-Muslima.

Intellectually

the

Sunni revival

had already been visible

several phenomena, such

as the

madrasa-

building movement,

the

gradual rise

respectability

of the

Ash'ari

kaldm

theological system (although

it was a

long time before this

process

was

completed),

and the

vitality

of the

conservative

and

traditionalist

law

school

Hanbalism.

The

incoming Saljuq rulers

enthusiastically aided

the

progress

this revival.

The

territories held

by the

Buyids

421/1030 were still extensive.

The

most serious inroads

their possessions

had

been made

northern

and

central

Iran.

Ray and

Jibal

had not

been

under

strong

rule since Fa

khr al-Daula's death, when power

there

had

been divided

between his two young sons, Majd al-Daula

Ray and Shams al- Daula

at Hamadan

and

Kirmanshah. Majd al-Daula was

ineffectual ruler,

and

practice

his

territories were governed

by his

mother Sayyida.

After

her

death

^419/1028,

was unable

keep order

control

his

troops,

and he

foolishly appealed

Mahmud

Ghazna

for

help. This

request was

the

pretext

for

Mahmud's Jibal campaign.

420/1029

sacked

Ray, deposed Majd al-Daula,

and

carried

him and his son off

as prisoners

Khurasan, installing

Ghaznavid governor

Ray. From

here, operations were carried

out

against

the

Musafirids

Tarum.

The

area

to the

south

and

west

Ray, including Isfahan, Hamadan,

and

Kirmanshah,

had

passed

out of

Buyid

control before this time,

but

into

the comparatively friendly

hands

of the

Kakuyids, another dynasty

Dailami

origin which was closely connected

to the

Buyids.

The

Kakuyids exercised considerable,

transient,

authority

central

Iran.

The

founder

of the

line, Rustam

Marzban Dushmanzi-

yar, attracted

the

favour

of the

Buyids

Ray

helping them against

the Ziyarids.

His son

'Ala' al-Daula Muhammad

was

first appointed

the

Buyids

govern Isfahan,

and he

later adopted this

as the

capital

his

principality.

After 398/1007-8

he was

virtually independent

Buyid

control, extending

his

power over

the

towns

Hamadan,

Dinavar,

and

Shabur-Khwast. From Tabaristan

Khuzistan,

Ibn

Kakuya

was

continually involved

warfare,

and,

with

the

resources

Ibn al-Jauzi,

al-Muntazam

ft ta'nkb

al-muluk

waH-umam,

vol. vin, pp. 127, 200-1;

Ibn

al-Athir,

al-Kdmil,

vol. ix, p. 362.

For more on the Sunni revival, see

section

vi, pp. 70

fT.

In the sources he is generally called Ibn

Kakuya,

for kdku in the Dailami dialect is said

to mean "maternal aunt", and

'Ala'

al-Daula was the son of

Majd

al-Daula's maternal aunt.

An alternative etymology, from a place-name, is suggested by Rabino di Borgomale

J.A. (1949), PP- 3

THE

IRANIAN WORLD (A.D. IOOO-I217)

the rich cities of central

Iran

at his disposal, he hired mercenaries.

Thus in 42 8/1

in preparation for an attack on the Ghaznavid-held city

Ray, he was using his wealth to recruit not only local Kurdish and

Dailami

troops but also the " 'Iraqi" Turkmen, these last comprising some

who

had come directly from the Balkhan-Kuh area to the east of the

Caspian

together

with

others

who

had just fled westwards from Nishapur.

Indeed, Ibn Kakuya's dynamism was a major factor in the brevity of

Ghaznavid

rule in western

Iran.

Although he was twice driven from

Isfahan, by Mas'ud of Ghazna in 421/1030 and by another Ghaznavid

army in 425-7/1034-6, his resilience was such

that

on each occasion he

re-established himself, and the sultan had to recognize him as his vassal.

It was the growing power of the '"Iraqi" Turkmen in

northern

and central

Iran

which curbed Ibn Kakuya's ambitions. Deflected from

Azarbaijan

by the Rawwadid Vahsudan b. Mamlan and the Kurdish

chieftain Abu'l-Haija' b. Rahib al-Daula, two groups of these Oghuz

turned

to attack Ray (428/1037 or 429/1038) and Hamadan (430/1038-

9).

Shortly afterwards, the Kakuyids became Saljuq vassals. On the

battlefield of Dandanqan in 431

/1040,

Toghril awarded Ray and Isfahan

to Ibn Kakuya's son Abu Mansur Faramurz; on Ibn Kakuya's death

3/1041-2

Faramurz succeeded him in Isfahan, and Faramurz's

brother Abu

Kali

jar Garshasp was given Hamadan. Faramurz attempted

to keep on equal terms with both the Saljuqs and the Buyid al-Malik

al-Rahim, yet he only managed to exasperate To

ghril. In 442/1050-1

the sultan besieged and captured Isfahan and moved his capital

thither

from Ray; in exchange, Faramurz received

Yazd

and Abarquh, while

Garshasp lost Hamadan and Kangavar to Ibrahim Inal and died in

exile

amongst the Buyids in Khuzistan.

Later descendants of Fara-

murz adapted themselves more smoothly to Saljuq masters. His son

Mu'ayyid

al-Daula 'All, ruler of

Yazd,

married one of Chaghri

Beg's

daughters, and in 488/1095 he died fighting for Tutush b. Alp-Arslan

against Berk-Yaruq (see below, p. 107).

'Ali's

son 'Adud al-Din Abu

Kali

jar Garshasp also held

Yazd,

and, being high in Muhammad's

favour,

he married a sister of Sultans Muhammad b. Malik-Shah and

Sanjar; but Sultan Mahmud b. Muhammad dispossessed him of

Yazd,

and henceforth he became a fierce partisan of Sanjar, urging him

513/1119

to join battle with Mahmud at Saveh (see

below,

pp.

135-6).

BaihaqI, Tarikh-i Mas'iidI, p. 628; Ibn al-Athir, vol. ix, pp. 339,

384-5.

Muhammad

Ibrahim,

Tarlkh-i Saljuqiydn-i Kirmdn in

Recueil

Textes, vol. 1, p. 26.

Cf. M. T.

Houtsma,

"Zur

Geschichte

der

Selguqen

von

Kerman",

Z.D.M.G.

pp.

374-5;

WESTERN AND CENTRAL IRAN

The Buyid territories in

Iraq

and southern

Iran

were broadly

divided between Jalal al-Daula Abu Tahir Shirzil and his nephew

'Imad al-Din Abu Kalijar Marzban in 421/1030. The former was

Amir al-Umara or "Supreme Commander"—as the Buyid rulers in

Iraq

called themselves—in Baghdad and the rest of

Iraq

excepting

Basra, but though he ruled from 416/1025 to his death in 435/1044, his

authority was never very firm. It is

true

that

in Baghdad the caliph did

not yet

feel

strong enough to exert much political pressure. In 429/

1037-8

al-Qa'im was powerless to prevent Jalal al-Daula from

assuming the ancient Sassanian title of Shahanshdh ("King of

Kings"),

although

five

years later his opposition to the amir's appropriation of

poll-tax revenues collected in Baghdad from the People of the

Book

(i.e.

Christians and Jews) did deter the Buyid from trying to take them

again the next year.

The real holders of power in the city were the

violent and undisciplined Turkish and Dailami soldiery, the opposing

Hanbali and Shfi mobs, and the ubiquitous 'ayyars.

Furthermore,

a good proportion of the Turkish troops supported the claims of Abu

Kalijar,

who ruled in Basra, Khuzistan, Fars, Kirman, and Oman.

In the years after 423/1032, Jalal al-Daula was thrice expelled from his

own

capital by pro-Abu Kalijar forces; on one Friday in the year

428/1037, the khutba in Baghdad was made for four different persons,

the caliph, Jalal al-Daula, Abu Kalijar, and the 'Uqailid Qirwash b.

al-Muqallad. After this, however, the two Buyid rulers made peace,

and

'Iraq

was comparatively peaceful until Jalal al-Daula's death in

435/1044.

The vigorous Abu Kalijar was master in his

Iranian

territories to an

extent

that

Jalal al-Daula never enjoyed in

Iraq.

well

as his father's

heritage of Khuzistan and Fars, he

fell

heir to the adjoining province of

Kirman when in 419/1028 his uncle Qiwam al-Daula Abu'l-Fawaris

died, and this province he successfully defended against an incoming

Ghaznavid army. Jalal al-Daula had intended

that

his son Abu Mansur

Bundari,

Zubdat

al-nusra,

p. 133; Ibn

al-Athir,

al-Kamil, vol. x, pp. 315, 387. On the

dynasty

general,

there

is an

indifferent

article

Huart

in Encyc. of

Islam

(1st ed.), s.v.;

much

informative

that

by G. C.

Miles,

" The

Coinage

of the

Kakwayhid

Dynasty

Iraq,

pp.

89-104.

Ibn

al-Jauzi,

al-Munta%am,

vol. vni, pp. 97-8, 113-14; Ibn

al-Athir,

vol. ix, pp. 312-13,

350. Cf.

Amedroz,

"The

Assumption

of the

Title

Shahanshah

Buwayhid

Rulers",

Numismatic

Chronicle,

pp.

393-9.

On the

'ayydrs

and

other

groups

who

flourished

times

stress

and

weak

govern-

ment,

see

Cahen,

Mouvements

Populaires et

Autonomisme

Urbain

dans

I'Asie

Musulmane

Moyen

Age,

passim.

Bowen,

"The

Last

BuwayhidsJ.R.A.S.

pp.

228-9.