Boardman J., Hammond N.G. L. The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 3, Part 3: The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries BC
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PONTUS
125
R
an
Berezan
v? Zakisovaya
Balka
Dnepr Liman
Alexandrovka
Black
Sea
Kms
o
10
22.
Plan
of
the Olbia area. (After
c
207,
19, fig. 5.)
thirty-eight kilometres from
the
open
sea to the
west, thirty-four
kilometres from
the
beginning
of the Bug
liman
to the
north,
and
thirty-five kilometres from the beginning
of
the Dnepr
liman
to
the east
(fig.
22).
m
In
addition
the
Milesians settled
on the
island
of
Berezan
at
the
outlet
of
the Bug-Dnepr
liman.
Berezan controls
the
route from
the open
sea to the
liman. With both sites under their control
the
colonists were
in a
fine position
to
profit from
the
natural resources
of
land
and
sea and from
the
routes
of
communication
far
into
the
interior
provided
by the
great rivers.
The Greek name
for
Berezan
is not
known,
192
and
some false ideas
exist about its relationship with Olbia, as,
for
instance, that the colonists
settled Berezan first
and
then transferred
to
Olbia,
or
that there
was
synoecism between Berezan
and
Olbia.
One
reason
for
such theories
has been the mistaken belief that the settlement on Berezan
is
significantly
earlier than that
at
Olbia. Eusebius dates the foundation
of
Borysthenes
to 647,
and
(apart from
the
Middle Geometric
jug
mentioned above)
C
2}O, 4I-4.
Cf.
Strabo
vn.
306;
c
209,
i7off.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
126 37- THE COLONIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE
the earliest pottery found
at
both Olbia and Berezan
is of
the second
half of the seventh century.
193
There is a much greater quantity of early
material from Berezan, but since there has been very little exploration
of early levels
at
Olbia, this comparison
is
without significance.
In
general the material remains at both sites are closely similar, except that
those
at
Olbia are richer.
In addition
to
Berezan there were numerous other contemporary
settlements
on
the shores
of
the Bug-Dnepr liman.
19i
We should not
doubt that they all, including Berezan, formed part
of a
single state
which came
to be
called Olbia from
the
name
of
the polls proper.
Although the men
of
Olbia were calling themselves
Olbiopolltal
by the
time
of
Herodotus, he reveals that in his day the name Olbia was not
used by Greeks generally (iv.
18.
i; cf. Strabo
VII.
306). Herodotus calls
the people of Olbia 'men of Borysthenes'
(BopvadevdraL)
and their city
the town (aorv), city (noXis)
or
trading city (e^nropiov)
of the
Bopvodeveirai (iv. 78.3, 79.2, 17.1). The state was originally named after
its great river,
in
the same way that Istrus, Tyras, Tanais and Phasis
were named. Such
a
name was entirely appropriate
for
communities,
such as Olbia, where the
liman
constituted the
chora
of
the colony.
195
Olbia consisted
of
an upper town
on a
plateau about forty metres
above sea level, and
a
lower town on the shore
of
the Bug liman (fig.
23).
196
Because the sea level has risen since antiquity, some 300—500
metres of the lower town is now under water.
197
Hence there has been
little investigation of
the
lower town. In the upper town the public areas
of agora,
temenos
and sacred grove, which have been identified roughly
in the centre, are thought to have been laid out in the second half of
the sixth century.
198
Herodotus' story of Scyles (iv. 78-80) shows that
Olbia was walled at that time (presumably sixth or early fifth centuries),
and his mention
of
a suburb chimes
in
with the discovery
of
Archaic
occupation beyond
the
western boundary
of the
city ('Hare's
Ravine').
199
North
of
the agora there were houses, workshops and
storage pits
in
the sixth century,
200
but for living quarters in the early
period Berezan is more informative. The houses there are single-roomed
structures, usually rectangular but sometimes circular, and from two by
three to three by four metres
in
size. They are regularly set low in the
ground, i.e. semi-pit dwellings, no doubt for protection in winter, and
they
all
have fireplaces. Roofs were thatched and pits
for
storage
or
rubbish are frequent.
201
193
c
219;
cf. c
216,
pi. 1.
1M
c
230,
j8ff.
195
c
230, 63.
l96
c
224, 110.
197
c
230, 41-4.
l98
c
230, 46.
199
Cf.
C230, 45.
20
°
C230,
49
f.
201
c
230,
32f.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
PONTUS
127
\m?<
o>
c:
23.
Plan
of
Olbia.
(After
c 219.)
Scyles was a Scythian king, who had been taught by his Greek
mother, a woman from Istrus, to know and like Greek religion and the
Greek way of life generally. He had a house and a Greek wife in Olbia,
and regularly stayed there (leaving his army outside), in order to indulge
his philhellene tastes, until his actions were discovered and led to his
death. Apart from its general interest for Graeco-Scythian relations, this
story has been taken to imply that Olbia existed by Scythian permission
and under Scythian protection.
202
Certainly Olbia itself is not a strong
site,
and would hardly have been tenable if the Scythians had been
unwilling to accept the Greek colony.
Close relations with Scythians are also revealed by other evidence.
In Herodotus' time there were people, the Callipidae, whom he
describes as 'Helleno-Scythians' (iv. 17.1: "EWyves
ZKV9CLI), and
others, the Geloni, who were originally Greeks from the trading cities
(emporia)
and spoke partly Scythian, partly Greek (iv. 108.2). At a
later date people in the area can be described as 'mixed Greeks'
(Mi£e\\r)ves).
203
Native hand-made pottery and contracted (crouched)
202
C 228, 6
4
f.
203
Ditt.
.$>//.
3
495-
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
128
37-
THE COLONIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE
24.
Leoxos' stele, marble gravestone from Olbia. A two-sided relief
showing
a
naked athlete and a bowman
in
Scythian archer's dress.
Inscribed on the side:
t[/ii Aew£ov
TOV
MoX-nayop]ew.
•.
.
€ar]rjKa, Aeyaj
B'OTI
T7?Ae TroAcfaij rrov]
[kv SKV$irji? Keira]i Akw^os
6
Mo\iray6p€\w\.
'I am the memorial for Leoxos, son of Molpagoras.. .and I tell that
Leoxos, son of Molpagoras lies far from his home city [in Scythia?].'
About 490 B.C. Height 66 cm. (Cherson Museum; H 24, pi.
5.)
burials occur
in the
surrounding settlements
of
the Olbian /iman.
2Oi
Similar evidence
in
the area round the Cimmerian Bosporus
is
there
made explicit by the gravestone of Tychon the Taurian at Panticapaeum.
This was put up in the fifth century, to judge by the letter forms, over
a burial
of
native type. The race
of
the deceased
is
clearly stated
in a
Greek elegiac couplet.
205
So we should
not try to
explain away
the
presence of natives in the settlements round Olbia. From the city itself
there
is
much less native pottery
in
proportion
to
the Greek,
206
and
onomastic evidence shows that Olbia was
a
thoroughly Greek city
in
the Archaic and Classical periods.
207
Even so, Scythians were doubt-
less a common sight in the city. In view of
all
this evidence the famous
and beautiful 'amphiglyph' gravestone
of
Leoxos (fig. 24),
son of
Molpagoras, which has on one side a nude 'athlete' and on the other
204
c 230,
}4
f.
205
c
225, 626 and App. 25; SEG in. 608; A 36, 368 no. 67.
c
221.
207
c
5,
io6f.
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PONTUS 129
an archer in Scythian dress, and is dated by sculptural style to the early
fifth century, seems, whether or not both figures represent Leoxos,
happily symbolic of the role of Olbia.
208
From Olbia Greek goods penetrated far up the river valleys into the
interior, including fine pottery, weapons, luxurious metal objects and
plenty of Greek wine.
209
In later times we know from literary evidence
that the main exports from the Pontus were corn, salt fish, hides and
slaves.
210
For our period archaeological evidence alone is available. At
Shirokaja Balka, not two kilometres south of Olbia, there were in the
sixth century twelve large storage pits for corn and an oven, the purpose
of which, it has been suggested, was for drying corn.
211
More directly
informative are the stones from the Aegean that have been found at
Berezan and Jagorlik.
212
These came as ships' ballast and show that the
return cargoes were the heavier. Since the goods from the Aegean
included wine and oil, we may infer that corn was an early export from
the Pontus.
The dramatic evidence for trading activity and Herodotus' frequent
use of the word
emporion
(trading city) when referring to these Greek
colonies in the north Pontus (iv. 17.1, 20.1, 24, 108.2) show that
commerce was a major economic function. Archaeological evidence
(grain pits, animal bones, fish bones etc.) proves that many of the
colonists were also engaged in agriculture and fishing. Others made a
living from the manufacture of metal and other goods for home
consumption and for export. Since all these activities may be postulated
from the seventh century onwards, the rapid growth of Olbia and the
peripheral settlements attested by archaeology is not hard to under-
stand.
The Tauric Chersonese with its mountainous terrain and dreaded
inhabitants saw very little Greek settlement in the Archaic period, but
the country round the Cimmerian Bosporus offered attractive possi-
bilities on both the European and Asiatic sides. This area also controlled
important communication routes up the Kuban river (ancient Hypanis)
to the east, and across the Sea of Azov (Palus Maeotis) to the mouth
of the Don (ancient Tanais).
Of the many Greek colonies which clustered round this Bosporus,
Panticapaeum was the most important. It was founded by Miletus in
about
600,
according to the archaeological evidence, on an ideal site with
a strong acropolis.
213
When the whole area of the Cimmerian Bosporus
was organized into a kingdom under the rulers of Panticapaeum (about
480 at the earliest, it seems; Diod. xn. 31.1), it contained native peoples
208
H 24, 3I-3; H 7, 39,
46-50;
H 58.
20
' C 227; C 206.
210
Polyb.
iv. 38;
Strabo
xi. 493. Cf. c io,
124-30.
211
c
225.
212
c 219; c 210.
213
c 226; c 219.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
I3O 37- THE COLONIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE
as well as the Greek settlements. There was strong Hellenization of the
local people, and we know that this phenomenon occurred far beyond
the Bosporus
itself.
Up the Kuban valley the Sindians were by the fifth
century issuing coins of Greek style inscribed with Greek legends.
It
is likely that commerce provided the first steps in this process. In
a
native burial at Temir Gora near Panticapaeum a famous oenochoe was
discovered which
is
dated c.
640-f.
620,
214
and (more sensationally
because of the distances) parts of two oenochoae of similar date were
found in the Don valley, one at Krivorozija about 200 kilometres from
the mouth of the Don, and the other on the banks of the river Tsuskan,
some 300 kilometres inland.
215
This commerce was presumably
associated with the most remote
of
Greek colonies
in
the Pontus
region, Tanais, at the mouth of the Don. The Archaic settlement was
not on the same site as the great multiracial emporium vividly described
by Strabo (xi. 493, cf. vn. 310), but it now seems possible that it was
at Taganrog, where a site which is now under water has yielded Greek
pottery from the seventh century and later.
216
VII. NORTH-WEST GREECE AND THE ADRIATIC
The first Greeks to sail far up the Adriatic were, according to Herodotus
(1.
163.1), Phocaeans.
217
That was presumably in the seventh century,
if we may apply the analogy of the Phocaean voyages further west,
which Herodotus mentions
in
the same sentence, but no known
colonization resulted. Off the Dalmatian coast the island
of
Black
Corcyra (modern Korcula) was colonized
by
Cnidians,
218
and
the
hypothesis has received wide acceptance that this occurred at the time
when Cnidians helped Corcyra against Periander (since that might
explain why a Cnidian colony was called Black Corcyra).
219
The date
would then fall in Periander's reign,
c.
625-f.
585, and the little archae-
ological evidence
220
does not conflict, but the whole reconstruction
remains speculative. Similarly,
it is
possible that there were other
minor early settlements on and off the Dalmatian coast.
221
On the Italian
side the only definite settlements of the Archaic period were Adria
and Spina on the north and south sides of the Po delta. These were
apparently mixed settlements of traders, both Greeks and Etruscans,
which had
a
short but prosperous existence, beginning
in
the last
quarter of the sixth century and ending with the decline of Etruscan
c 229, 27,
fig.
7; cf. H 29, plate 30A.
A 7, 243f;
c
206, 65.
2
">
c
208; cf.
c
223, 567.
c 44,
63ff;
c
119,
8j7f.
218
c
44,
iO4ff;
c
j, 43.
c 33, 173IT.
c 33, i84ff.
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NORTH-WEST GREECE AND THE ADRIATIC I
3
I
power
in
the fourth.
222
We do not know the origin
of
the Greek
inhabitants.
223
Thus the upper Adriatic seems to have been only marginally Greek
colonial territory.
It
can be argued that this impression is due to the
failings
of
our sources, but
as
the evidence now stands the only
substantial early Greek colonization in the Adriatic was that of Corinth
and Corcyra on the coasts of north-western Greece (Acarnania and
Epirus) and Illyria. However, the first colonization
in
the area was
achieved by Eretrians from Euboea, who settled at Corcyra (Corfu) until
they were expelled by the Corinthians under Chersicrates.
224
As we have
seen, our sources are at variance about the date of Chersicrates' venture,
but, at the latest, Corinthian occupation was established before the end
of the eighth century. Corfu is a large island, famous for its beneficent
climate, with rich land to cultivate, but we need not doubt that it was
especially valued as the important port of call on the route from Greece
to southern Italy which it has always been.
Corcyra was sufficiently strong to defeat her mother city in the first
naval battle known to Thucydides (i. 13.4), which took place in
c.
664.
This has often been interpreted as part of a war of independence, but
there is no reason to assume that Corcyra was established as a dependent
colony, any more than Syracuse was.
225
Apart from a short period when
Corcyra was under the control of Periander, tyrant of Corinth,
226
the
relations of colony and metropolis were those of two closely related but
independent states, and varied from peaceable cooperation to outright
hostility.
227
The remaining Corinthian and Corcyrean colonization in this area
took place during the reigns of the Corinthian tyrants Cypselus and
Periander
{c.
655-f.
585), and shows signs of cooperation between the
two mother
cities.
It was under Cypselus that the Corinthians established
control of the Gulf of Ambracia (modern Arta) by placing colonies on
the island of Leucas,
at
Anactorium and
at
Ambracia
itself.
228
The
oikistai of all these colonies were sons of Cypselus, and the dates of
foundation lie within the limits
of
his reign, c. 655 —
c.
625. Only
at
Anactorium has there been useful archaeological exploration, and there
the earliest graves investigated yielded pottery of the last quarter of the
seventh century.
229
This colonization was unusual in that the colonies were from the
beginning
in a
dependent relationship vis-a-vis their mother city,
222
C44, 135IT.; A 7,
228f.
a< c ;, 6.
221
Strabo vi. 269; Plut. Quaest. Grace, xi.
225
c 5,
146.
226
Hdt. in.
5
2f; Nic. Dam.
FGrH
90 F 59. Cf.
c
5,
3
of.
227
c
5,
146-9.
228
Strabo
x. 452;
Ps.-Scymnus
455ff;
Nic. Dam.
FGrH
90 F 57.7.
228
C63.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
132 37- THE COLONIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE
Corinth, just as Corcyra was dependent when Periander's
son
was ruling
there.
We
know from later evidence that this dependent relationship
did
not
cease with
the
fall
of
the tyrants.
230
It was
also unusual
in
that
the pre-colonial population probably consisted
of
people
who
spoke
a
form
of
Greek.
231
However, they were sufficiently unlike Greeks
for
Thucydides (11.
68.6,
9) to
call them
barbaroi
at
the
time
of
the
Peloponnesian
War, and
they were
so far
behind
the
Corinthians
in
political
and
military development that
the
colonists were able
to
establish city-states
in
regions where such strong
and
advanced political
organizations
did not
exist.
We do not
know definitely that this
was
forcible colonization,
but
there
is
a
proud Homeric-style epitaph
at
Corcyra
of one
Arniadas,
who
died
'as he
fought
by the
ships
at the
streams
of
Arachthus, displaying
the
highest valour amid
the
groans
and shouts
of
war'.
232
It
is
hard
to
envisage
any
occasion after
the
Corinthians
had
established their control
of
the Ambraciot
Gulf,
when
a Corcyrean would have been fighting
by the
river
on
which Ambracia
lies,
233
so
it
is
a
tempting speculation that
the
engagement
was con-
nected with
the
actual colonization
of
Ambracia.
If that bold conjecture
is
right, there were Corcyreans
who
helped
in
the
foundation
of
Ambracia. There
is
actual evidence
to
suggest that
they participated
in the
colonization
of
Leucas
and
Anactorium,
and
kept some rights in those colonies, even though our sources unanimously
describe them
as
Corinthian foundations.
234
Epidamnus,
on the
other
hand,
was
definitely
a
colony
of
Corcyra, even though
the
Corcyreans
summoned
the
oikistes
from Corinth
in
accordance with
the
traditional
practice,
and
invited Corinthian settlers (as well as some other Dorians)
(Thuc.
1.
24.1). This colonization
was
also
in the
time
of
Cypselus,
for
the
Eusebian foundation date
is 627, and
there
is
archaeological
evidence which provides general chronological confirmation.
235
Epidamnus
was
in
Illyrian territory,
and as
Dyrrhachium (modern
Durazzo)
it
formed
the
western
end of the
great Roman road,
the Via
Egnatia, which crossed
the
north
of the
Greek peninsula
on the way
to
the
Bosporus.
But
it
was
also
an
attractive site
in itself, set on an
isthmus
and
possessing
a
good harbour
and
cultivable land.
On
the
basis
of
late literary evidence
and
inscriptions
of
long after
our period,
it
has
been suggested that
the
colonists made
a
mixed
settlement with
the
local Taulantians.
236
However, better evidence
rather suggests that
the
distinction between colonists
and
neighbour-
ing natives
was
strictly observed
at
Epidamnus. This
is
the
natural
230
CJ,
118-53.
"'
£33,419-23.
232
A 23, no. 25; A 36, 233, 234 no. 11.
233
Contra
E 33, 443.
234
c
5,
128-30.
235
E 33, 426.
236
Appian,
BC
11.
39
.
c
28.
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NORTH-WEST GREECE AND THE ADRIATIC I
3
3
deduction from Thucydides' brief narrative of the events of 437 (e.g.
1.
24),
as
also,
even more clearly, from Plutarch's interesting information
(Quaest.
Graec.
xxix) that the Epidamnians chose annually an official
called 'the seller'
(TTWATJTI??), who organized and supervised a market
where
all
commercial transactions between the Greeks and neighbouring
Illyrians took place. Plutarch's source was presumably the Aristotelian
politeia
of Epidamnus,
237
so we may place this institution in Classical
or Archaic times.
Thucydides' description of the quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra
over Epidamnus reveals that in the 430s Corcyra regarded the colony
as within her sphere of influence, at the least, and Epidamnus' coinage
suggests some dependence on Corcyra at an earlier date, so it is
reasonable to assume that the relationship was similar to that between
Corinth and Ambracia, Leucas or Anactorium.
238
The first coins of
Apollonia in Illyria, which was founded in about 600,
239
suggest a
similar relationship to Corcyra, so the sources which call it a joint
foundation of Corinth and Corcyra are perhaps to be preferred to those
which name Corinth alone.
240
Since Corinth's colonization under the tyrants was imperial in character,
it is natural to look for a major Corinthian interest which the colonies
were to subserve. No ancient writer suggests anything outside the
normally stated motives for Greek colonization
—
in this instance the
standard desire of tyrants to remove undesirable elements in the city's
population
241
- but the favourite modern theory
is
that Corinth intended
to control the route to the silver of the Illyrian area.
242
There are some
good theoretical and indirect arguments in favour of this hypothesis.
Furthermore, the great treasures of Trebeniste near Lake Ochrid,
including the famous bronze vases of the sixth century which may be
of Corinthian workmanship,
243
show that the peoples of the interior of
Illyria wanted Greek goods at the time in question and had something
valuable to offer in return. By establishing dependent colonies on the
Adriatic coast and at Potidaea in Chalcidice Corinth was possibly
ensuring her access to the region from both west and east.
244
Without
explicit evidence we cannot say definitely that these suggestions are
right, but such motives are not impossible or even improbable, since
Corinth was a rich city with strong commercial and industrial interests,
a naval power, and under the strong rule of tyrants.
237
239
241
243
A 29,
c
60
Nic.
E33.
. >37-S
; E33.
Dam.
437ff;
).
426.
FCrH 90 F 57.7.
A
7. *37-
238
240
242
244
c 5. 149-51-
c 5,
i3of.
c 33, 181-4; E 52 viii f, 2f.
Cf. H 43,
2O3f.
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134 37-
THE
COLONIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE
VIII. NORTH AFRICA
Greek colonization in North Africa was confined to Egypt and Libya
(Cyrenaica). While Cyrene and the neighbouring colonies in Libya
conform to the normal Greek type, in that the colonists lived in
independent city-states among a more backward native population,
Egypt presented an immemorially ancient civilization in most respects
more developed than the Greek, and a land long since fully occupied
and organized politically. The forms that Greek colonization took in
Egypt were thus inevitably shaped by the requirements of
the
advanced
host population. The Greeks in Egypt are discussed elsewhere in this
volume, but they have a place, even if an unusual or unique place, in
the Archaic Greek colonizing movement.
The Sai'te pharaohs wanted Greeks of two distinct categories,
mercenaries and merchants. The large, permanent, settlements of
mercenary soldiers, though not at all like Greek colonies in their
organization, nevertheless bear witness to the need of numerous Greeks
to settle abroad, and to their ability to find a livelihood by suiting their
skills to the foreign environment.
245
Herodotus' surprising information
that there was a colony of Samians at one of the oases of the Libyan
desert
("Oaois
TTOAIJ)
at the time of Cambyses' conquest of Egypt,
c.
525,
is
perhaps best understood in the context of these mercenary settlements
(Hdt. in. z6).
246
Naucratis might seem much more like other Greek colonies. But if
we follow Herodotus
(11.
178-9) and reject the later sources,
247
we see
a trading port
{emporion)
without a definite mother city, organized under
strict Egyptian control, which probably had no independent citizenship
as late as the last years of the fifth century.
248
The government of the
emporion
was in the hands of the participating Greek states, those whom
Herodotus lists as sharing in the Hellenium: Chios, Teos, Phocaea,
Clazomenae, Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, Phaselis and Mytilene. To
these we may probably add the three states with separate sanctuaries,
Aegina, Samos and Miletus. This was the sole port in Egypt to which
Greek merchants were allowed to sail. These unique arrangements
presumably offered mutual benefits to Greeks and Egyptians. The
participating Greek states, all East Greeks with the sole exception of
Aegina, had access to the Egyptian market, to which they brought
Greek wine, oil and silver. In return, we may confidently assume, they
took chiefly Egyptian corn. This commerce was under the strict control
of the pharaoh. The population of the flourishing
emporion
consisted of
245
B
89, M 22.
2
" C 235, 6} 6.
247
Especially Strabo xvn. 801 2; cf. B 89, 22f.
249
D 16, no. 16; cf. B89, 66.
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